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This paper examines the influence of individual development and historical change on marital dissolution. Data from the vital statistics system of the United States and from the June 1980 Current Population Survey are used to examine the experience of marriage cohorts from 1905 through 1975 and the periods from 1922 through 1979. The historical patterns can best be explained as effects of period rather than of birth or marriage cohort, and the individual patterns can be explained best as effects of age and age at marriage rather than of marital duration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we have traced changes in the patterns of first marriage in the United States for cohorts of men and women born in 1880 through 1965 and for the years from 1900 through 1983. There were striking changes in marriage rates associated with each of the world wars and with the depression of the 1930s. In addition to these short-term fluctuations, a long-term shift in marriage rates is observed over the period from after World War II until about 1970. By the end of the 1970s, however, marriage rates had returned to levels similar to those observed before the war. The basic similarity in the timing of changes in marriage rates across age levels and for both men and women, blacks and whites, is a striking characteristic of these marriage curves. There are also, however, important differences among these groups with respect to the magnitude and slopes of the shifts. The postwar marriage boom was strongest among the young (those under age 24) and among whites. Similarly, the declines in marriage rates observed in the 1970s were greatest among the young. The marriage rates for teenagers display trends that diverge in many respects from those of older persons. For example, the marriage rates of male teenagers did not show the "peaks" and "valley" associated with World War II for older age groups and female teenagers. Moreover, there is little sign of the postwar marriage boom among black teenagers of either sex. Indeed, the marriage rates of black teenagers began to decline soon after the war, and by the 1970s the marriage rates of both male and female black teenagers had fallen below those of their white counterparts, reversing the pattern that had existed through the first half of this century. During the twenty-five or so years of the postwar marriage boom, which we believe can be characterized best as a period phenomenon, there were trends-eddies within the mainstream-which are probably most easily interpreted as the consequence of a cohort effect.(ABSTRACT TRUNCATED AT 400 WORDS) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on a study conducted on mild cognitive impairment without dementia among older adults in the U.S. It is mentioned that mild cognitive impairment might affect attention, language, judgment, and memory, but it doesn't severely impair activities of daily living. In the study, many neuropsychological tests were done on 856 people above 71 years. The researchers found that about 22% of the older people had cognitive impairment that did not develop into dementia.

Aim: To estimate the prevalence of Alzheimer's disease (AD) and other dementias in the USA using a nationally representative sample., Methods: The Aging, Demographics, and Memory Study sample was composed of 856 individuals aged 71 years and older from the nationally representative Health and Retirement Study (HRS) who were evaluated for dementia using a comprehensive in-home assessment. An expert consensus panel used this information to assign a diagnosis of normal cognition, cognitive impairment but not demented, or dementia (and dementia subtype). Using sampling weights derived from the HRS, we estimated the national prevalence of dementia, AD and vascular dementia by age and gender., Results: The prevalence of dementia among individuals aged 71 and older was 13.9%, comprising about 3.4 million individuals in the USA in 2002. The corresponding values for AD were 9.7% and 2.4 million individuals. Dementia prevalence increased with age, from 5.0% of those aged 71-79 years to 37.4% of those aged 90 and older., Conclusions: Dementia prevalence estimates from this first nationally representative population-based study of dementia in the USA to include subjects from all regions of the country can provide essential information for effective planning for the impending healthcare needs of the large and increasing number of individuals at risk for dementia as our population ages., ((c) 2007 S. Karger AG, Basel.)

This study examines the use of informal and formal sources of care by elderly Black and White Americans (n = 2,847) who are functionally impaired and noninstitutionalized. The data are from the Asset and Health Dynamics Among the Oldest Old (AHEAD) study. Detailed baseline characteristics are provided and logistic regressions are used to assess the likelihood of (a) receiving in-home assistance from any source, (b) using any informal sources of in-home care, (c) using any formal sources, and (d) using formal sources of in-home care with informal sources of home care. Results of the logistic regressions indicate that, compared to Whites, Black elders were less likely to receive assistance and to use informal sources of home care.

"Procedures for decomposing differences between two populations--for example, into the part that is due to differences in age-specific rates and the part that is due to differences in age distributions--have been used to decompose time trends into the part that is due to changes occurring within cohorts and the part that is due to the gradual replacement of older by younger cohorts. It is not clear what is accomplished by such a decomposition of a trend, however. Decomposition does not tell us what types of variables may be the root causes of a trend, and there is a real danger that such a decomposition will confuse rather than clarify." The concepts are illustrated using U.S. data on racial prejudice and marijuana use. A response by Glenn Firebaugh defending decomposition methods is included (pp. 439-46)., (excerpt)