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The United States and Canada began major efforts to acquire territory in North America's interior in the nineteenth century. In 1803, the United States purchased approximately 827,192 square miles of territory from France. Canada began to govern 1,409,900 square miles of territory known as Rupert's Land in 1869. Historical accounts of American and Canadian officials' efforts in Washington and Ottawa to obtain these vast territories are abundant. Historians have devoted less attention, however, to expansionists who supported American expansion in Louisiana and Canadian expansion in Rupert's Land. Daniel Clark, U.S. Consul to New Orleans, used his office to promote American acquisition of Spanish Louisiana. Canadian John Christian Schultz, an influential "doctor" and businessperson at Red River, became the owner of the only newspaper in the settlement and used it to advocate for Canadian possession of Rupert's Land. Clark arrived in Louisiana from Ireland in 1786 and Schultz from Upper Canada between 1859 and 1861. Clark and Schultz were opportunists who understood that American and Canadian territorial ambitions presented them with opportunities to advance their business and political careers. Far less important to both men were the futures of other residents of New Orleans and Red River. Clark and Schultz for example, both argued that representative local government should not be immediately introduced in their regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When considering the military power of the United States, it is necessary to distinguish military force and military power. Military force represents an organization that is equipped and trained to use force. America is clearly the largest military power in the world, and that is a fact. However, the term military power is significantly wider than that of the military force. It also includes elements related to the threat of using force and many other activities related to the involvement of military force in contemporary international relations, including international defense cooperation, military-technical cooperation, the purchase and sale of weapons and military equipment, and more. The paper focuses on this exact segment of military power, understood as a willingness to engage the US military force outside their national territory. The aim of the paper is to describe the evolution of the United States’ strategic thought regarding military power as a foreign policy instrument by analyzing the key processes in specific historical conditions from their independence to modern times. The results of this analysis will represent valuable indicators for a future role of military power in the US foreign policy in terms of potential conflicts for the preservation of global hegemony. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2009, the U.S National Park Service instituted tours accompanied by armed guards to areas of Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument, which abuts the U.S.- Mexico boundary in southern Arizona. These areas, like the majority of the park's lands, had been closed to the public since August 2002, following the shooting death of National Park Ranger Kris Eggle-allegedly by drug smugglers from Mexico. The re-opening reflected the U.S. Border Patrol's and National Park Service's "retaking" of parts of the park that had been "lost" to unauthorized migrants and drug traffickers. This article explicates the tours' origins, illustrating how they connect present and past in relation to the making of the U.S.-Mexico borderlands, and Organ Pipe Cactus National Monument as a territory of "nature." In doing so, the article shows that the militarized tours (which ended in September 2014, with the entire park's re-opening) are the understandable extension of the park's doubly colonial logic-as imperialized/settler-colonized space and as the embodiment of a stark division between humans and nature. Overcoming such violence and facilitating the thriving of humans and other-than-humans in the space of OPCNM requires a reworking of "nature" and territory-as well as of the associated human identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States party to the 1949 Geneva Conventions and Additional Protocol I of 1977 have an obligation to take measures necessary to suppress all acts contrary to their provisions. Moreover, States must investigate war crimes allegedly committed by their nationals or on their territory, and other war crimes over which they have jurisdiction, such as on the basis of universal jurisdiction, and, if appropriate, prosecute the suspects. In accordance with these obligations and the limits they impose, States may adopt certain measures during and in the aftermath of armed conflicts to promote reconciliation and peace, one of which is amnesties. International humanitarian law (IHL) contains rules pertaining to the granting and scope of amnesties. Specifically, Article 6(5) of Protocol II additional to the Geneva Conventions relating to non-international armed conflicts (NIACs) provides that, at the end of hostilities, the authorities in power shall endeavour to grant the broadest possible amnesty to persons who have participated in the armed conflict, or those deprived of their liberty for reasons related to the armed conflict. Importantly, under customary IHL (as identified in Rule 159 of the ICRC customary IHL study), this excludes persons suspected of, accused of, or sentenced for war crimes in NIACs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Long a staple in the toolkit of American politics, comparison among subnational territorial units has gained increasing currency in comparative politics. A growing portion of subnational research, especially in the monographic literature, employs comparisons of subnational territorial units within different countries. This approach to comparison, which I term transnational comparison, has the potential to build on and extend the advantages of subnational comparison. Despite the numerous added challenges it poses, transnational comparison offers a variety of ways to incorporate and leverage variations between countries as well as within them. Drawing on exemplary studies from the literature on subnational regimes and beyond, I outline a typology of successful transnational comparative strategies. The choice among these strategies depends on their distinctive properties, on the substantive questions asked, and on the stage of a research program. All have contributed to advancing the study of politics beyond nation-centered comparison. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is focused on the visions of pilgrimages to Rabbi Nachman’s site located in Uman, Ukraine. Research results are based on the analysis of in-depth interviews with eighteen Americans who have made the pilgrimage, supplemented by reading in secondary sources about pilgrimage and travel, especially American Jewish travel to Eastern Europe. Emphasis is made on the perception of both place and locals, as well as upon the leading motives and characteristics of pilgrimage. This research sheds light upon the role of existing stereotypes and personal encounters in cross-cultural issues. Dominant attitudes of pilgrims to locals in Uman may be characterized in the frame of the conceptual trio of “background fear,” “historical aftertaste,” and “learned neutrality.” Huge differences between the understanding of Uman as a place for pilgrimage and a space with inhabitants raise the questions of parallel historical heritages bound within the same territory and time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the main objectives of this paper is the analysis of the systems that allowed the coexistence of three most important, well-known and widespread Italian mafia organizations, on national and international territories, namely: Cosa Nostra, 'ndrangheta and camorra. First of all, we will introduce the theoretical framework, which is focused on social coexistence (Carli, 2000a, 2000b) and on socialorganizational coexistence (Gozzoli, 2014). Secondly, this article will propose a reading of the mafia organizations coexistence phenomena in Sicily, Calabria, Campania and Lombardy, mainly focusing on the structure of thought and on their relational approach towards the Other. Interestingly, the analysis revealed a profound difference between mafia organizations' relational approach when in their homeland and when in "conquered" territories: in their homeland they subject the population through fear, there is no need for further investments, as it is recognized by people, and above all, the concept of mafia is psycho-anthropo-culturally established and part of the community structure itself. By contrast, in conquered territories, mafia organizations invest, they do business, they carry out lawful activities and are involved with influential people in finance. On the other hand, Lombardy's communities often have a dangerous type of relationship with mafia, known as "fundamentalist": criminals are seen as "disposable", an object to be used. For this reason, in the final part of the work, we developed a plan to promote a generative coexistence in territories where coexistence is currently impossible and destructive, that is wherever mafia organizations have set up and required a code of silence from people. The final aim is to create the most hostile ground possible for the mafia, to create a "socio-relational and economic desertification of criminal organizations", and build awareness in professionals (e.g., entrepreneurs, artisans, etc.) and non-professionals (i.e., communities) that coming to terms with organized crime is far from economically viable and, indeed, deadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the origin of the admiralty law of the U.S. It provides a background of the development of the concept of admiralty which arose in conjunction with the formation of naval fleets by maritime nations for defense or aggression at sea. The formation of vice admiralties and state admiralties in important U.S. ports is also discussed, as well as the geographical scope of maritime waters.

The Insular Cases have, since 1901, granted the political branches significant flexibility in governing U.S. territories like American Samoa and Puerto Rico--flexibility enough, indeed, to ignore certain constitutional provisions that are not "fundamental" or which would be "impractical" to enforce in the territories. Long maligned as judicial ratification of empire, predicated on racist assumptions about territorial peoples and a constitutional theory alien to the United States, the Insular Cases had a curious renaissance in the late twentieth-century. As local territorial governments began to exercise greater self-rule, newly-enacted local laws in the territories began to pose constitutional issues, but courts generally acquiesced in these constitutional deviations. This Note argues that this accommodationist turn in Insular doctrine complicates the legacy of the cases--that their use to enable local peoples to govern themselves as they desire, and to protect their cultures, means the Insular doctrine is not merely defensible but perhaps even necessary, and finds support in arguments from political theory. Moreover, the Note contends, such constitutional accommodation has a long pedigree in the American constitutional system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fortified boundaries are asymmetrical, physical barriers placed along borders. These boundaries are more formidable in structure than conventional boundary lines, but less robust than militarized boundaries. Their goal is to impose costs on infiltrators and in so doing deter or impede infiltration. A novel dataset of all such boundaries worldwide shows that states are constructing these barriers at an accelerating rate. More than half of barrier builders are Muslim-majority states, and so are the vast majority of targets. A multivariate analysis demonstrates that, contrary to conventional wisdom, states that construct such barriers do not tend to suffer disproportionately from terrorism, nor are they apt to be involved in a significant number of territorial disputes. Instead, differences in state wealth and migration rates are the best predictors of barrier construction. Qualitative case studies suggest that the most effective fortified boundaries are found where the initiating state controls the territory beyond a boundary that blocks the only access route into the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The British, American, French and Finnish governments are seeking to promote investment in a new generation of nuclear power plants. Nuclear power programmes are delivered through networks of international companies through which government must manage. This is consistent with the concept of governance. Governments can advance their policy goals by using a variety of policy instruments to shape and organize governance networks. This is known as metagovernance. The paper considers the extent to which the selection and deployment of the policy instruments used to metagovern is informed by the prevailing tradition of government. The paper examines how the British, American, French and Finnish governments have tried to metagovern. It is shown that whilst governing traditions do inform the selection and deployment of the policy instruments used to metagovern, the composition of the network, and the nature of the policy problem also plays a role in shaping government action. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In this article, we suggest that attending to the roles of heritage and territory could help reshape local food systems in the US: first, by incorporating more producer voices and visions into the conversation; and second, by considering more deeply the characteristics of the places where food is produced. Using the Wisconsin artisanal cheese network as a case study, we have traced how artisanal producers frame their collective heritage and links to their territory. They describe a heritage that includes a cultivation of embedded, 'situated' agricultural knowledge(s) and a commitment to specific quality practices as well as a connection to terroir-the specific ecologies and social contexts of their farm or region. We argue that their articulation of this heritage and terroir is both an emergent, ongoing process of adapting to changing market, cultural, and geographic conditions and an effort to recover valued traditions and practices and (re)connect to specific places. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes which role the Atlantic Alliance plays in the Arctic and whether it can contribute to the security and territorial integrity of its members in the region. In a dramatic change from the cold war era, the Arctic is no longer at the center of a conflict between two hostile superpowers. But what can a basically military organization such as NATO – though with proven political functions – contribute to stabilizing the Arctic region if its major challenges are non-military? With regional challenges resulting mostly from globalization and climate change, it is open to question whether a military alliance such as NATO has the will and the capability to cope with them. We might thus need to look also at individual members’ interests and abilities besides searching for joint alliance action. If we find NATO not up to the challenges, which alternative institutions offer themselves for coping with the political conflicts and controversies in the Polar region? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper presents a political ecology approach to the study of borders through consideration of a lemon's travels in contemporary North American border space. Following discussion of recent work on the dynamic, multi-scalar, and process-based character of modern borders, I suggest that such critical approaches could be usefully augmented by drawing on ideas about socio-material networks advanced by Bruno Latour. By adopting a political ecology framework, border scholars would be able to consider more fully the materiality of borders and bordering processes. Through the example of the lemon, I demonstrate that in constructing the fruit as a particular socio-material artifact that embodies multiple threats to US national space, it and its carrier become implicated in the regulation of political-economic and geopolitical networks that are seemingly far removed from the object of concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Jim Bulpitt's seminal work on UK territorial politics within the American context. We approach territorial politics by examining the ebbs and flows of American urban policy during the period 1964 to 2008. In doing so, our analysis explores changes in presidential approaches towards urban policy, and thus center–periphery relations, based on the outcomes of electoral politics. We find that conditions specific to the USA cause American territorial politics to be continually fluid, often erratic and highly differentiated by party affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Andresen M. A. The geography of the Canada-United States border effect, Regional Studies. The Canada-United States border effect is a heavily researched area. Despite the plethora of research, very few regional analyses have emerged. This lack of regional analyses is curious because this limited research has shown a strong geographical component to the border effect. This paper contributes to the border effect literature by resolving the border effect through proper economic and statistical specification. Rather than the border representing a strong friction between Canada and the USA, it is shown that most provinces experience an insignificant or positive effect from the border. [image omitted] Andresen M. A. La geographie de l'effet frontalier Canada-Etats-Unis, Regional Studies. L'effet frontalier Canada-Etats-Unis est un sujet qui a fait couler beaucoup d'encre. En depit de la quantite de recherche, il n'en ressort que tres peu d'analyses regionales. Ce manque d'analyses regionales est a s'etonner, vu que cette recherche limitee a demontre une variable geographique importante de l'effet frontalier. Cet article cheche a contribuer a la documentation sur l'effet frontalier en resolvant l'effet frontalier a partir d'une vraie specification economique et statistique. On demontre que, plutot que d'etre cause de la friction entre le Canada et les Etats-Unis, la frontiere a un effet negligeable ou positif sur la plupart des provinces. Equation de gravite Effet frontalier Canada-Etats-Unis Commerce international Andresen M. A. Die Geografie des Grenzeffekts zwischen Kanada und den USA, Regional Studies. Der Grenzeffekt zwischen Kanada und den USA ist ein intensiv erforschtes Gebiet, doch trotz der zahlreichen Studien in diesem Bereich sind bisher nur wenige regionale Analysen entstanden. Dieser Mangel an regionalen Analysen ist sonderbar, denn in dieser begrenzten Studie wurde eine ausgepragte geografische Komponente des Grenzeffekts deutlich. Als Beitrag zur Literatur uber den Grenzeffekt wird in diesem Artikel der Effekt anhand einer ordnungsgemassen okonomischen und statistischen Spezifikation aufgelost. Die Grenze zwischen Kanada und den USA stellt nicht etwa einen starken Reibungspunkt dar; vielmehr zeigt sich in der Studie, dass die Grenze auf die meisten Provinzen einen insignifikanten oder positiven Effekt ausubt. Schwerkraftgleichung Grenzeffekt Kanada-USA Internationaler Handel Andresen M. A. La geografia del efecto fronterizo entre Canada y los Estados Unidos, Regional Studies. El efecto fronterizo entre Canada y los Estados Unidos es un campo que se ha investigado a fondo. Pese a los muchos estudios en este campo, se han realizado pocos analisis en un ambito regional. Esta falta de analisis regionales es curioso puesto que en este estudio limitado ha quedado patente un fuerte componente geografico del efecto fronterizo. Como aportacion a la literatura sobre el efecto fronterizo, en este articulo resuelvo este efecto fronterizo con ayuda de adecuadas especificaciones economicas y estadisticas. Aqui demuestro que la frontera no representa una fuerte friccion entre Canada y los Estados Unidos sino mas bien que en la mayoria de provincias ejerce un efecto insignificante o positivo. Ecuacion de gravedad Efecto fronterizo Canada-Estados Unidos Comercio internacional [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The securitization of immigration has led to increased reliance on border enforcement, detention, and deportation to control unauthorized movements. Based on a case study of the ways that Salvadoran immigrants to the United States have experienced these tactics, this paper analyzes the spatial implications of current enforcement strategies. As movement across borders becomes more difficult for the unauthorized, national territories become zones of confinement. This carceral quality is a dimension of national territory in that undocumented and temporarily authorized migrants cannot exit their countries of residence without losing territorially-conferred rights, while if they are deported, their countries of origin become extensions of the detention centers they occupied before exit. This transformation of national spaces is accompanied by internal differentiation, as interior enforcement confines migrants to subnational spaces where they must remain to avoid detection or harassment. Securitization thus entails both extraterritoriality, that is the extension of U.S. legal regimes into foreign territories, and intraterritoriality, or the operation of different legal regimes within national territories. The paper also highlights the ways that securitization contributes to multidimensionality, such that spatial locations are rendered ambiguous, both inside and outside at the same time. Finally, the paper considers how these spatial transformations redefine citizenship and belonging. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The constitutional contours of Puerto Rico's current relationship with the United States are largely defined by the territorial incorporation doctrine, developed in the Supreme Court's Insular Cases at the turn of the twentieth century. As commonly interpreted, the territorial incorporation doctrine provides that, as an unincorporated territory, Puerto Rico is part of the United States for some purposes but not for others. Consequently, U.S. citizens residing in Puerto Rico are only entitled to "fundamental" constitutional protections. This Note focuses on the intersection between the territorial incorporation doctrine and modern equal protection doctrine and judicial review. Speaking on the matter, the Supreme Court has explained that Congress, acting under its plenary power over the territories pursuant to the Constitution's Territory Clause, may treat Puerto Rico differently from states so long as there is a rational basis for its actions. This Note argues that following the logic of the territorial incorporation doctrine to address Congress's differential treatment of Puerto Rico is misguided, whether the doctrine is used to reify Puerto Rico's status as an unincorporated territory, or to conclude that Puerto Rico has, in fact, been incorporated into the United States. It then posits that in challenges to legislation that facially discriminates against U.S. citizens residing in Puerto Rico, courts instead should focus on Puerto Rico's disenfranchised status to subject legislation to heightened scrutiny. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National defense is no longer ensured only through maintaining the sanctity of one's borders, but is also highly dependent upon the ability to navigate safely through the global commons. These commons--sea, air, space, and cyberspace--enable militaries to protect national territory and interests, as well as facilitate the passage of goods, people, communication, and data upon which every member of the international community depends. Yet, a number of emerging trends are threatening this freedom of action. The effect is that as the United States and other nations increasingly rely upon the commons in a globalized world, challenges to freedom and stability within these commons are simultaneously growing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article introduces literary essays in the issue on America as a concept without borders, noting that ethnic writing or writing by immigrants perceives the U.S. as transnational and multigeographical. The author refers to the cover illustration by Tino Villanueva, "Flashpoints," as a visual depiction of the U.S. as a space for cultural convergence, but of a dominant center, a so-called black hole, that is resistant to change. The essays in the issue are said to explore the border culture of the U.S. while reflecting its ideological and geographic space.

The article discusses Asian migrants, exclusionary laws, and transborder migration in North America from 1880 to 1940. Exclusionary laws discussed in the article include a Canadian Order-in-Council which prohibited immigrants from coming into Canada unless arriving by a continuous journey from the country of their birth. The author examines the ways in which merchants, laborers, and lumber camp workers from China, Japan, and South Asia negotiated their mobility as they moved across North America's land border. The U.S. Acts of Immigration in 1924 are also mentioned.

The article discusses North American migrations and the study of the history of diversity in the U.S. The author examines the multiple trajectories of immigrants and the flexible nature of borders between the U.S., Canada, Mexico, and the Caribbean. The author explains that the North American macro-region compromises at least five cultures, three continental nations, the Caribbean cultural region, and Quebec. Subjects of the article also include cultural-political negotiations, social spaces, and migrating women.

In the world scenario of US unilateralism, this paper argues the competition for control over Africa's resources between the major powers (United States, the European Union and China) provides a renewed geostrategic situation for the Canary Islands (Spain). First, the political and economic rivalry over Northwest Africa adds new dimensions to the geostrategic location of the Archipelago, which constitute NATO's southern flank and a logistic platform for neighbouring Africa. Second, it focuses on the particular case of the industrial megaport envisaged for Granadilla (Tenerife), examining its geostrategic projection as an important infrastructure both for the Canarian ruling elites' geoeconomic interests and also for the geopolitical interests of the major world powers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the overlapping claims of the U.S. and Canada on a 6,250 square nautical miles of the Beaufort Sea triangle. It says that compatibility of national approaches in applying an integrated, ecosystem-based management in the Beaufort Sea triangle will facilitate long-term ocean planning, management and decision-making. It notes the need for Canada and the U.S. along with indigenous and other sub-national governments interested in the region to collectively apply their knowledge and experience to balance the multiple uses and close more gaps in the governance of the Arctic.

The article focuses on the unregistered migrants in the U.S. and its implication to the country. It notes that the unregistered residents in the state mounted to 12 million where in 60% of the migrant came from Mexico. The situation manifests that the U.S. nation-state citizenship faces problems in shaping border policing and tells that its rules do not constitute an effective means of controlling state's human traffic. It mentions that the growth of unregistered migrants may lead to vast criminalization and they may be used in misguiding statistical gains against the war on terrorism. U.S. president Barack Obama has devoted to an immigration reform with the mobilizations aimed against proposed legislation that would harbour an unregistered person.

This text juxtaposes medical practices involving the measurement of bodies and the topographic and geodesic surveys carried out by engineers in late 19th-century Mexico. In an era known for generating measurements, these two histories converged: body and territory became objects of knowledge and control, two surfaces whose respective geometries spoke of the national space. To measure them, physicians and engineers used instruments whose characteristics assured their circulation between America and Europe and within Mexico, where they produced objective, interchangeable, standardized measures; but they were the result of an interrelation: that of the people who measured, the instrument and that which was measured, so although their uses were normative and standardized they generated values both situated and local in nature that responded to contemporary political demands: measuring bodies meant dimensioning races and gender; while surveying territories meant delimiting communal properties in order to create private ones. I argue that both types of measurement embodied epistemic practices that presupposed evaluation and perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides information on the implementation of neutrality laws and its impact to the Mexican Revolution in the U.S.-Mexico border and the invasion of the southern region of the U.S. between 1913-1919. It mentions that there was a difficulty in enforcing these laws due to several factors including restrictive orders from the authority, limited manpower, and the problems with the rules of engagement at war. In addition, Mexican raiders, which was led by Francisco Villa have invaded the said border, due to the vulnerability of border security. However, the revolt was ended due to the efforts of the Tenth United States Cavalry, which was stationed in the Arizona border and the war was terminated in 1920.

In the aftermath of the war of expansion against Mexico, the United States undertook a lengthy adjudication process of Spanish and Mexican property claims throughout the newly acquired territory. In New Mexico, nearly all Spanish and Mexican community land grants were either rejected by U.S. courts or were acquired by commercial interests during a period of intense land speculation. In addition to legal explanations of dispossession, most historical land grant research has emphasized the role of commercial speculators in the dispossession of land grants. The Santa Fe Ring, a loose affiliation of lawyers, politicians, federal and territorial officials and commercial investors, became a potent political and economic force in New Mexico during the 19th century. This article explores the adjudication and speculation histories of two Mexican property claims: the Petaca and Town of Vallecito de Lovato. The dearth of historical knowledge of the practices and tactics of land dispossession in specific New Mexico land grants continues to obscure the full story of U.S. territorial expansion and the history of the transformation in property relations. This article sheds new light on the extent and intensity of commercial speculation and the contribution of those efforts to undermine legitimate claims. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The Mexico-U.S. border is one of the most dynamic regions in the world and represents one of the greatest economic contrasts between the developed and developing world. The construction of policies and programs such as the Border Industrialization Program (BIP) and the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) has been primarily responsible for massive population growth and industrialization along the Mexico-U.S. border region. Such changes have also placed tremendous pressures on the environment and natural resources spanning the international boundary. This article provides an introduction and a description of the context for the articles featured in this special issue related to environmental concerns on the Mexico- U.S. border. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses what the author puzzles over as Puerto Rico's peculiar political status vis-à-vis the United States as neither a colony, 51st state, nor a republic, yet with partial U.S. voting, citizenship, and other rights. The history of Puerto Rico from its ceding to the U.S. is traced from 1898, as well as its difficult and problem-ridden developments economically, socially, and politically in the 20th century. The political status of the island and mixed political desires of its citizens in terms of affiliation with the U.S. are examined.

The article explores the dichotomous and contentious interpretations of fences, walls, and physical, philosophical, and psychological barriers of all types, from playpens and prisons to boundary-line real and virtual fences. It describes fences featured at the "Between Fences Smithsonian" traveling exhibition. It also explores how fencing has help mold and reflect Americans' views of private and public spaces. It discusses different North American perspectives on barriers and boundaries in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

PURSUANT to the doctrine of territorial incorporation established in the Insular Cases, Puerto Rico is an "unincorporated" territory, and as such, it does not form part of the United States within the meaning of the Constitution. As a result, persons born in Puerto Rico are not "born in the United States" under the Fourteenth Amendment and are not constitutionally entitled to citizenship. Because they enjoy only statutory citizenship, Congress arguably is able to expatriate most Puerto Ricans if the island is declared independent. Moreover, the inferior citizenship status of Puerto Ricans reveals a grave inconsistency in the law of the Fourteenth Amendment that has never been addressed. In response to Dred Scott, the Fourteenth Amendment constitutionalized the common law doctrine of jus soli, which provides that all persons born on U.S. territory and not subject to the jurisdiction of another sovereign are native-born citizens, regardless of race. Pursuant to this interpretation of the Citizenship Clause, persons born in Puerto Rico have been "born in the United States" since the ratification of the Treaty of Paris. By retroactively narrowing the scope of the term "United States," the Supreme Court took advantage of the unique geographical circumstances of the insular territories and prevented their inhabitants from obtaining equal citizenship. Thus, the doctrine of territorial incorporation reasserts Dred Scott's race-based approach to citizenship and should be overruled. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]