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Suggests that there are similarities between the United States and the Soviet Union. Description of both superpowers as barbaric for different reasons; Image of America as invading the empire of the spirit with machines, and as replacing the state with with a random collection of people in pursuit of individual greed; Description of communism as an alternative mode of barbarism; Impact of the energy and organization of the U.S. and the Soviet Union on the more passive nations; Opinion of West Europeans and Asians about the U.S. and the Soviet Union; Discussion of the struggle between the two countries for world influence.

Presents information on U.S. economist and social scientist Thornstein Veblen. Discussion of a recent biography of Veblen by Joseph Dorfman; Statement that Communists as diverse as Max Eastman and Mike Gold depart from their more drastic attitudes to do homage to Veblen; View of socialists and liberals on Veblen; Fact that the Veblen legend is one of the most tangled and baffling personalities in American history; Discussion of the personal life of Veblen; Response of Veblen to conditions of American life; Description of Veblen's ideas for the improvement of American life; Report that the force of Veblen's ideas in American history will not be possible until one sees what happens to U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's program; Statement that Veblen's tragedy is not only one which lacks a program and a strategy in his intellectual system but also lacks a clear historical analysis.

Like any body of men that makes prowess and luck its summum bonum, Wall Street personalizes the forces with which it has to deal. Since 1934, when the U.S. Securities Exchange Commission was created to watch over the men who manipulate other people's money, its chairmanship has, for the Street at least, ranked in interest beyond most Cabinet portfolios. The first chairman, Joe Kennedy, was definitely "one of ours" a boy from the Wall Street slums who had somehow grown up in that financial Dead End without succumbing to its gangsterism, but who was nevertheless known and trusted by the big shots on the Street. His successor, Jim Landis, being a Harvard law professor, a drafter of the Securities Act, and seemingly a brash young man, aroused Wall Street fears at first, but soon managed to allay them.

Focuses on the report of the U.S. National Resources Planning Board regarding post-war social security and economic structure in the U.S. Discussion of the revolutionary nature of the report; Details about the programs for social security and economic structure; Need of planning a post-war economy; Difficulties faced by the government during the inter-war period between the First and Second World Wars; Analysis of the aims of the social security program; Possibility of protest against this post-war plan.

Argues on the attitude the U.S. should take regarding possible war in Europe between Great Britain and Germany. Presentation of letters sent in by the readers of the journal on alternative policies to be adopted by the U.S. government in the wake of the European war; Recommendation to stand in favor of democracy and against the fascists by offering military support to the victims of aggression; Significance of lending support to smaller European nations being aggressed by Germany; Suggestion of formation of positive policy towards peace by the U.S.

Comments on the publication of the book "An Economic Interpretation of the Constitution," by historian Charles A. Beard in the U.S. Response to new movements for social justice; Emphasis on the influence of economics on the formation and ratification of the U.S. Constitution; Examination of the interests and experience of each delegate of the Constitutional Convention; Reaction of politicians to the book; Influence of the book on other political literature; Evaluation of the historical method of Beard; Focus on the basic struggle between capitalism and democracy.

This article focuses on the dynamics of democracy in the U.S. The strategic factors of history. Yet, forgetting the enormous differences between socialism and fascism for the masses everywhere, for their living standards and their freedom. There is room and to spare in the dynamic of history for a strong democratic state which is not Caesarism. Yet democracy is the great force in the world today, whether as dream or reality-greater than capitalism, which was once a force, or liberalism, which has never been a real one, or communism, which has too early thrown its strength away, or fascism, which once it goes down the skids will go fast, or internationalism, which may yet emerge as a great force.

This article focuses on the future of the American democracy, after the World War II. The British fleet is the last remaining barrier between an invincible totalitarian war machine and an utterly indefensible Western Hemisphere. This is a simple fact of strategy and has nothing to do with ideologies or systems or causes or moral values. It is a problem of power. And this problem of power the government and people of this republic are dearly unwilling to face and unable to meet in any adequate fashion. An average American recoils in horror from the thought of fighting and insists upon constant reassurances from his political leaders that he will never have to fight.

The article focuses on the attitude of intellectuals towards the war. Almost twenty-five years ago Randolph Bourne wrote an essay on The War and the Intellectuals which in the bareness of its logic and the cold passion of its words stands out from the mediocrity of the war writings. It was published in a little paper called the Seven Arts and summed up what was in Bourne's generation the best and most generous effort of the left. The intellectuals, Bourne said, were plumping for the war, they had been betrayed by the philosophy of pragmatism. But the true intellectuals could have no traffic with the war, the real choice was between the war and American promise.

From the very beginning U.S. President Franklin Delano Roosevelt has been a crisis president, and there is little reason to suppose that he will cease to be president at a time when the crisis is deepest. This is bitter hemlock for reactionaries of every stripe to drink. But the chances are overwhelming that the next president of the U.S. will be that man now in the White House. He will be there for four more years, not because he wants to, but because the people want him there. The people want him there, not because the New Deal has been a success, or because we fear to swap horses while crossing a stream. For the first, there is the persistent fact of some eleven million unemployed and the extremes of wealth and poverty as accented as ever.

It has been customary to regard U.S. Secretary of States Cordell Hull as a prisoner in his own house. Among the State Department career men and the cynical checkerboard diplomats, the Secretary has stood out for his rugged purity of purpose, but he has seemed helpless in the clutch of department routine and the vested habits of the foreign office mentality. For like all foreign offices the State Department has drunk the heady wine of being at once a political elite and a corps of experts. Like all foreign offices it has therefore claimed diplomatic immunity to the democratic demands to which the more prosy government departments are subject.

The article throws light on the interview session with Phil La Follette, a potential progressive leader. He is the prime mover in the National Progressives of the U.S. many of them. He is a man of enormous ambition and personal mastery, grooming himself for a great destiny and believing utterly in that destiny. There are some who think that the new party grows out of the local Wisconsin situation, that Follette faces a fight for his fourth term as governor, and that he knows he can't be governor unless he finds a place in the national political sun.

Focuses on the crisis in the confirmation of judges in the U.S. Supreme Court. Public interest about the balance of power on the Court; Movement toward plebiscitary control of the advise and consent process of judicial confirmation; Adherence of nominees to judicial restraint or activism; Role of the Senate in the appointment and confirmation of judges; Line of questioning of Senators directed towards nominee Robert Bork; Reasons for the opposition of senator against judge Douglas Ginsburg; Professional background of Ginsburg; Evaluation of the candidacy of Attorney General Ed Meese for the Supreme Court Justice; Concerns of Meese for liberal laws; Views of nominee Anthony Kennedy on affirmative action cases.

Discusses the myths attached by the world to the U.S. Disadvantages of the image projected by the country in connection with the emphasis on the metaphor "two-worlds" of a New World coming to power to shape a destiny distinct from that of the Old; Impact of atomic weapons on American exceptionalism; Details of the economic policies adopted by the country; Comments on the hypothesis of internal decline of the country.

Wall Street combines somehow the characteristic features of all places where men have to chart their chances against fate: it has the atmosphere at once of the sickroom, the gambling-house, and the battlefield. So when the fever chart of Wall Street, usually a matter of only intramural concern, showed a panicky drop last week, the rest of the people felt a concern far beyond their own stake in it. It was not only that some twenty-five billions in paper equities were destroyed and thousands of small accounts completely wiped out.

The article focuses on the political scenario in the U.S. The political game is dirty and exciting wherever it is played. In America it is a national passion, but in New York City, New York it affects the very fabric of living. New York has contributed three items to American culture. These are Wall Street, Broadway, and Tammany Hall. Wall Street has been under a shadow since 1929, Broadway has become a suburb of Hollywood, and now every sign points to the passing of Tammany Hall and the collapse of the most powerful urban political structure in history.

The corporation tax is not very fruitful of revenue. It is an attempt to tax at the source only, and not a very successful one. A tax ranging from 12.5 to 15 per cent is levied on the net income of all corporations. Under Section 102 of the law, any corporation which is prima fade a holding company created for the purpose of tax evasion, or any corporation accumulating capital beyond the reasonable needs of its business expansion, is held subject to a tax penalty. But what constitutes a reasonable reserve is, of course, a question so subjective as to elude even the most competent tax administration we have had thus far. A common device among the big corporations is to place accumulated reserves in the hands of holding companies created for that purpose, and .whenever the pile reaches dangerous proportions a reorganization is quietly effected and the entire process begins again. Thus far administrative difficulties have prevented the enforcement of this section.

A professor of Princeton had the courage to write a book under the title "The Twilight of the Supreme Court." He said that the U.S. Supreme Court was on its way to a dignified but ineffectual old age, and that its sun was setting. The book was a good book and a learned book. It was well reasoned, and its conclusion should have been a sound one. But scarcely was the ink dry on its pages when the court handed down the first of its series of hostile decisions on the legislation of U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt. The moral, is, the author suppose, that it is always bad policy to compose a man's obituary before he is certain for dead. Yet the Professor was less wrong than would appear. During the next decade or more the power of the Supreme Court will undoubtedly be challenged as never before. But if there is a decline in the court's power it will not come about by any gentle slipping into euthanasia.

The article investigates the question where the Supreme Court stands in the year of grace 1936, after exactly three years of the U.S. administration. The headlong rush of the New Deal down the step decline that leads to the judicial lethal chamber has for the time been interrupted by the Tennesse Valley decision. The new role of the court seems mystifying and even a bit capricious to both sides. This may be dramatic, but it is the worst possible psychological medium within which to carry on the business of state and the government of industry.

U.S. Supreme Court justices are having personal tension among them. The personal tension is no mere accident of individual temperament or will. During the preliminary skirmishes on the New Deal legislation the court seemed to fall into three loose groups. The most cohesive was that of the "diehard" conservatives including Justice Van Devanter. At the opposite extreme was the "liberals" including three justices. That left a "balance-of-power" group of two justices. The justices belonging to the "balance-of-power" group sent the judicial fever-chart of the New Deal careening from high to low.

A long view of the power of the U.S. Supreme Court is difficult to achieve in the midst of immediate issues and angry passions. It would try to get at the nature, the psychological roots, and the economic consequences of the power of judicial review, presumably the most beautiful and original gift of the U.S. to the art of government. Judicial review is a political device by which the court passes on the constitutional validity of legislative and executive acts. It enables the judges to apportion powers between the states and the national government, and between the legislative, executive, and judicial branches. This is a power nowhere to be found expressly granted in the Constitution itself.

Focuses on political developments all around the world. Information that socialism that has been from the beginning an international movement; Appeals of liberation and globalism; Creation of Communist Parties in Europe and the U.S. to rally the proletariat of other countries to the defense of the Soviet Union; Comments on the fear of the Comintern; Claims that Americans are today fearful of the problem that Russian nationalism presents for the post-war world.

Focuses on the economic strategies of the U.S. government during the World War II. Discussion about regulation, control and planning as apart of economic strategies; Effect of the war economy on agriculture and the farming community; Dependence of economic strategy on fiscal and planning strategies; Analysis of anti-trust laws and policies of Thurman Arnold, Assistant Attorney General in the Anti-Trust Division of the U.S. Department of Justice; Problems associated with the anti-trust campaign after the U.S. moved into a war economy; Necessity to deal with the structure of industrial obstruction formed by the combination of corporate interests, Congressmen and press mercenaries during the post-war period.

Focuses on the margin of waste which the giant potential of war productive power gives the U.S. View that the businessmen have not broken down the barriers of their class interests and habits which have stood in the way of planned war economy; Claim that the U.S. Congress refused to enact either an adequate excess-profits tax or an adequate price-fixing program; Claim that every defeat, every instance of profiteering and inflation and injustice will be capitalized on by the fascist groups.

Presents letters to the editor referencing articles and topics published in previous issue. Urge to strengthen the anti-fascist forces in Great Britain; Support for a defense program in the U.S. schools; Analysis of the naval policy of Great Britain; Argument that military and, naval developments of all countries bear the marks of their backgrounds; Stress on the rejections by army officials, at induction centers, of draftees who had previously been pronounced physically fit by the doctors working for local boards; Criticism of the generalization that the publication of little magazines represent a tendency away from social realism toward the unfettered imagination and the unconventional metaphor; Extracts of letters on different issues including conquest of France by Germany.

The article focuses on the book "The Politics of Democracy: American Parties in Action" by the author Pendleton Herring. It is in scope and temper the broadest discussion of the American party system that we have had. The author's mellowness of tone is notable for one who must still be classed in the younger generation of political thinkers. It draws for its material upon the best in American political literature. It is judicious and even-tempered, yet not lacking in sharp characterizations. It is objective and yet saturated with value judgments. Its weakness lies in its tendency to fall apart into a series of essays on various aspects of the American party system, each of them ending on pretty much the same note.

There has always been an American left, under whatever name. It is an honorable record-that of the vanguard movements in the history of the democratic experience. There were the Committees of Correspondence during the Revolution, then the Jeffersonians, the Jacksonians, the early workingmen's parties, the Abolitionists before the Civil War and the Knights of Labor after it, the liberals and Mugwumps of the dreary decades, the populists, the single-taxers, the muckraker, the socialist and syndicalist labor forces of the turn of the century, the trust-busters, the Marxists' of the post-war decades, the technocrats, the New Dealers, and the C.I.O.

This article discusses the impact of Second World War on economic conditions in the U.S. Budgets are being cut, taxes eased for big enterprise, labor-protective legislation repealed, new labor-smashing laws introduced, strikes met with repression, educational expenditures whittled away and alien-baiting and red-baiting measures are being passed. The newspaper industry is one of the outstanding samples of the crowding out of the relatively free small enterprise by the big capital. It is idle to talk any longer of "freedom" of press and opinion as though it were synonymous with the absence of governmental intervention of any sort.

This article presents information on the book "Holmes and Frankfurter." This book, reportedly, focuses on the recent history of the U.S. Supreme Court and its foremost scholars, Felix Frankfurter and Oliver Wendell Holmes. Both Holmes and Frankfurter were associate justice of the Supreme Court. The author of this article reports that Frankfurter's method is one of deadly objectivity. In each of his three lectures he considers a phase of Holmes's work on the Supreme Court-his views on "property and society," on "civil liberties and the individual," and on "federalism." This book is also a study of the judicial process and theories related to it.

Profiles the U.S. Supreme Court justice Robert Bork. Attempt of Bork to understand the relation of law to society and power; Views of Robert Bork on economy; Association of Bork with scholar Alexander Bickel; Comments on the court decisions of Bork; Efforts of Bork to make constitutional law a grand enterprise without making it an imperialist one.

The article discusses American politics. During the past two weeks, the U.S. Administration has managed to survive a crisis in morale. The U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt had about made up his mind to move left and was uncertain only about the timing. What determined the timing was a confluence of factors-the unemployment figures, the down-at-the-heel demoralization of the departments, the lull in press and radio, the need for catapulting statesman Robert Jackson into national prominence if he was to be available for the New York governorship race, the reassembling of the U.S. Congress and the need for action before the tories could get to brooding again over the ills that business has suffered.

This article focuses on strategies of U.S. president Franklin D. Roosevelt to deal with depressions. The author says that Mr. Roosevelt has been shrewd enough to keep both roads open--that of further conciliation of business and that of drastic governmental action. It is beginning to look as if he might in time take the second. Another factor is the sharp reaction here to the fantastic stupidities of the speeches and resolutions at the convention in New York of the National Association of Manufacturers. The author says that the best opinion here holds that the President is waiting for certain trends to crystallize before taking action. He is waiting for a sense of the Congressional futility to sink in on people. He is waiting also for reactions to his newly acquired austerity about budget-balancing.

The typhoon of business fear, after devastating Wall Street, has hit Washington with terrific force. The politicos here give every indication of being as worried about the business recession as are the big-business boys in New York. And the labor officials on the left of both are, if anything, even more worried, because it is their men who bear the brunt of every depression. Washington is operating at double-quick pace and under great tension; economic doctors are consulting all over the place, charts are spread over U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt's desk and the desks of administrative chiefs; there are hurried conferences of business leaders, experts and government key men, as in the anxious days of the Great Emergency. Battered by all kinds of advice, in most instances conflicting, Roosevelt is facing the most difficult situation of his administration.

The U.S. Congress in the closing days of the session has been a shambles of mangled bills, forgotten mandates and butchered election promises. But behind-the-scene observers of the party battle point out that the revolt of the South is not the whole story. It is one item. A second item is the influence of the "rotten-borough" Senators. And a third item is the committee system in Congress. A "rotten borough" in twentieth-century U.S., as in nineteenth-century England, is a constituency, which keeps the same representation although the tide of population growth has passed it by or never reached it.

The U.S. election has swept away various myths that looked as if they would be a permanent part of the American landscape. There was the myth of newspaper prowess, the myth of campaign-fund prowess, and the myth that American voters would swallow whatever was told them with enough iteration. But most important, from the standpoint of progressive action, was the myth that labor must never mass its forces in politics. Back of that myth was, the author thinks that the belief any underlying group has, one finds it among Jews and African Americans as well-that partisan tie-ups are dangerous because they expose one as a group to the vindictiveness of the victor. The progressives have massed their forces behind U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt with an undreamed-of success.

The U.S. Presidential campaign can be dirty without ceasing to be somewhat dull. This is due, no doubt, to the clumsiness with which the Republicans and their fascist allies have handled their propaganda tools. Smearing presidential candidate Franklin D. Roosevelt with communism, atheism, and Spanish atrocities is well enough as a technique, but it requires at least a modicum of intelligence. Second, that prosperity talks can make its voice heard even amid the campaign din. Third, that the prowess of newspapers and campaign funds has been overrated.

This article presents the authors views on the Justice O.W. Holmes The triumph of the U.S. Supreme Court majority is in a real sense a triumph over Justice Oliver Wendall Holmes and the memory of Justice Holmes. In the same sense it is a triumph of legalism and business enterprise over literature and the philosophic mind. The picture that one has of Holmes as he grew into maturity is the picture of a young New England intellectual aristocrat, with literary and philosophical tastes, careening to success in his chosen profession of the law. He had chosen the law deliberately as a pathway to expression and not because some inner need or some cruel urge and pressure of the time dictated that career and that alone.

Presents the author's views on moral question of European liberation in the face of World War II. Argument pertaining to Anglo-American alliance to fight against Germany; View that the ruin of a nation may uncover long hidden layers of moral resources; Opinion that the Allied powers have not recognized the provisional government of the French people; Observation of the author that people have spilled blood for achieving liberation; Assessment of the U.S. foreign policy towards Germany.

Presents information on problems that are being faced by the U.S. in formulating policies for the postwar world. Importance of settling disputes between Great Britain, Soviet Union and the U.S. for the reorganization of the European life; Future of the U.S. in a peace settlement under the leadership of President Franklin D. Roosevelt; Appreciation of the leadership quality of President Roosevelt; Information on the election machinery existent in the U.S.; Negotiations over problems of divergent national economic interests.

Highlights the relation of the American generals to the broad political and economic decisions in a war state and a war world. Discussion about the personality and outlook of these generals; Absence of the ambitions and the arrogance of a military caste in the U.S.; Criticism of the rule of separation of powers between the civilian and the military; Interrelation among military, economic, political and ideological phases of war; Campaign against turning the conduct of the country over to a military caste.

Focuses on the shape assumed by the U.S. government under the stress of depression and the World War II. Ideas to be employed in the country in order to make it more affirmative and positive in terms of a nation-state; People of the United States can be viewed as the inheritors of an economy which is on the downside and an inadequate governmental and legal machine; Emphasis on the preservation of the kernel of validity amidst the changes in actual government; Description of two types of cultural inheritance; Relevance of ideas becoming more pronounced; Filtering of ideas which are valid from those which are obstructive; Seeking of democracy for the tasks of revolutionary age; Decentralization of administration; Organization of common man for the tasks of economic and political control.

Presents information on the Soviet Union and her heroic stand against the Nazis. Invasion of the Soviet Union by Germany has broken the notion that both the Russians and the Nazis are of the same creed; Style of a culture is shown best in catastrophe; Revival of the belief that the capacity of a socialist state to be a strong state, strong in military and administrative terms, fit for survival in a harsh world; Spirit of a people can break through political forms even when those political forms are unfavorable and oppressive; Strength of a culture is no greater than its capacity to evoke the energies and the allegiance of its young people; Lessons to be learnt by the U.S. from the Soviet Union.

Focuses on German Dictator Adolf Hitler's intentions on the U.S. as revealed in an interview of Joseph Goebbels, German Propaganda Minister to John Cudahy, American Minister to Belgium. Report that the Nazi General Staff, it seems, had canvassed all possibilities and concluded that an invasion of the U.S. was not feasible; Intentions behind Goebbels' assurance; Speculation on the possible invasion of the U.S. if Great Britain is smashed by Nazis; View that the recent protestations of Hitler and his propaganda lords have no reliability; Information on the possible expansion plans of Hitler; View that even if Hitler had an inclination to call a halt at the full tide of victory, there are forces within the Nazi system itself that would prevent him; View that he can maintain his type of power over a Nazified Europe only by projecting his European economy into a world economy; Information on the Nazi political system and its ideology; View that anyone with even the most elementary knowledge of Nazi writings on the U.S. knows that Americans have always hung before Nazi eyes as a succulent prize; View that Hitler's megalomania has caused him to think of himself as a world conqueror and to reserve a special hatred and avidity for the U.S.

Focuses on the strikes and the problem of labor-management relations in the defense industries in the U.S. Report that the campaign that has been waged against labor for months, is not over, and that the near future will see a revival of it in a somewhat new form; Information on the three major aspects of the campaign; Report that all three attacks have been correlated with the skill of a Nazi General Staff planning a diplomatic, economic and military blitz; Reasons for the failure of attack on labor; Report that the union leaders have made it clear that they are striking not against defense but against that very corporate tyranny which is the real enemy of democracy everywhere, and they have been willing in many instances to allow workers to remain on the job on actual defense contracts; Role of the press in the campaign; Information on a program to minimize and settle labor management troubles; View that the program offers a chance to minimize economic frictions and concentrate the energies on the political and military problems of the present generation.

Focuses on a fighting faith in labor in the U.S. Belief in kings, aristocrats, farmers, engineers and business men; Claims that trade-unionists have always been in a position to know what enters into production efficiency; Impact of the collapse of the Left on labor's prestige; Relationship between the plan of U.S. Labor leader Walter P. Reuther and the proposal of Philip Murray, president of Congress of Industrial Organizations; Discussion on the technical accuracy of Reuther's 500-planes-a-day production estimate.

Focuses on the importance of proper utilization of labor power and management of economics during war-time for an effective defense policy in the United States. Significance of proper coordination between economic system and political system during the war; Necessity for labor, like other citizens, to contribute in battle through production of defense material; Need for the U.S. to follow the British policy of utilizing economic techniques for success in war by offering workers a share in production; Views expressed on the issue by representatives of U.S. states with tradition of slavery or industrial feudalism.

The article provides a speculation where the U.S. is put in a totalitarian form of government. A dissertation stated that the problem of national defense in the country is inseparable from the problem of economic reorganization and governmental revision. The author claimed that labor rights will be endangered and civil liberties will suffer.

Franklin D. Roosevelt, who has had his taste of Carlylean hero, worship and is now experiencing one of the fiercest lynching bees in our history. In this context the annotating and publishing of five volumes of the President's state papers, one for the years of his governorship and one for each of the years of his first term, with volumes for the later years to follow, is an act of historical consciousness. Mr. Roosevelt is making his appeal from the distortions of the day to the perspective of the generations. His volumes deserve that sort of perspective. They represent a significant event both in the art of history and the history of publishing.