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Business ethics in China is highly politicized, both within China as well as on the global scene. Over the past years many issues of business ethics have arisen. It turns out that the Chinese often have a different set of ethical priorities with respect to the economy than do their Western counterparts. China possesses rich and well-developed ethical traditions that provide a meaningful basis for evaluating its own problems. This article reviews China's ethical heritage and, at the same time, takes note of Western ethical concerns of human rights, property and so forth that have been injected into the debate. The article further reviews the principal issues of ethical analysis and, within the context of China/U. S. inter-relations, suggests ethical paths to pursue on four levels: government to government, multinational corporations, interest groups and international fora, and individual initiatives and commitment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In November 1970, Black Panther Party leader Huey P. Newton gave a lecture at Boston College where he introduced his theory of intercommunalism. Newton re-articulated Marxist theories of imperialism through the lens of the Black liberation struggle and argued that imperialism had entered a new phase called ‘reactionary intercommunalism’. Newton’s theory of intercommunalism offers nothing less than a proto-theorisation of what we have come to call neo-liberal globalisation and its effects on what W. E. B. Du Bois had seen as the racialisation of modern imperialism. Due to the initial historical dismissal of the Black Panther Party’s political legacy, Newton’s thought has largely been neglected for the past 40 years. This paper revisits Newton’s theory of intercommunalism, with the aim of achieving some form of epistemic justice for his thought, but also to highlight how Newton’s recasting of imperialism as reactionary intercommunalism provides critical insight into the rise of Trumpism in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Debunking the common laissez-faire myth surrounding turn-of-the-century American foreign relations allows for a reconceptualization of American imperialism from 1890 to 1913. The Republican Party, the party of protectionism, found itself riven by internal disagreements over the future of the protectionist system and U.S. imperial expansion. From within Republican protectionist ranks arose a progressive wing that increasingly looked beyond the home market for the country’s growing American agricultural and manufacturing surpluses. They did so against staunch anti-imperial opposition not only from American free-trade independents, but also from the Republican Party’s isolationist home-market protectionists, who yet feared or disdained foreign markets and colonial acquisitions. These progressive Republican proponents of empire combined coercive trade reciprocity with protectionism—an expansive closed door—and worked hard to extend American imperial power through informal means of high tariff walls, closed U.S.-controlled markets, and retaliatory reciprocity if possible, by formal annexation and military interventionism when necessary. The American Empire thus arose owing to the imperialism of economic nationalism, not the imperialism of free trade. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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The 2008 financial crises led to a scramble for land and other natural resources reminiscent of colonialism by foreign governments and multinational corporations to feed their populations and pre-empt the eventuality of another food crises through large-scale agricultural investment. This paper discusses the creation of capitalist frontiers in the colonial agricultural enclaves of Cameroon's Littoral region where three multinational plantation companies hold sway. It demonstrates how the coming into the country of foreign investors has transformed the meaning of land and led to contesting legal orders between customary and statutory land tenure, the transformation of man-nature relationship and the dispossession of local communities due to the developmentalist state's production of territory. In the present neoliberal context, the state is increasingly controlling people and their relations to natural resources including land through the production of territory that is subsequently handed over to foreign investors. The paper adopts the view that the use of the expression 'new enclosures' is a misnomer because these developments are taking place at the very sites of the colonial frontier in Cameroon's Littoral region. It calls attention to the need for land governance reforms so as to restitute local land rights and for the need to respect internationally recognized environmental standards by multinational corporations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We provide evidence that increased political influence, arising from CIA interventions during the Cold War, was used to create a larger foreign market for American products. Following CIA interventions, imports from the US increased dramatically, while total exports to the US were unaffected. The surge in imports was concentrated in industries in which the US had a comparative disadvantage, not a comparative advantage. Our analysis is able to rule out decreased trade costs, changing political ideology, and an increase in US loans and grants as alternative explanations. We provide evidence that the increased imports arose through direct purchases of American products by foreign governments. (JEL D72, F14, F54, N42, N72) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper builds on the growing body of literature on the British World, which has shown that people in the dominions had a strong British identity and their claims to Britishness were recognised by people in the British Isles. It attempts to gauge the extent to which this British World identity influenced the global allocation of British capital. Much of the existing literature on British investment in the dominions dismisses the possibility that the pattern in Britain's capital exports was significantly affected by imperial patriotism. This article will suggest that imperial sentiment did indeed influence the destination of British capital exports. Imperialist sentiment influenced the legal and political institutions of the dominions in ways that encouraged British investment. Moreover, imperial ideology may have influenced investors' decisions in ways that the existing historiography does not adequately explore: at least some British investors may have been willing to accept a lower anticipated rate of return because they valued the psychological satisfaction of investing in territories that happened to be part of the British Empire. This article compares the experience of British investment in the United States, which has an ambiguous relationship with the British World, with that of investment in Canada with a view to understanding the impact of the British World identity on investment patterns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the economic aspects of U.S. imperialism, with a particular focus on global economic inequality. Details on the use of GINI coefficients to measure global inequality are presented. According to the author, global disparities in economic growth are greater than disparities within individual nations. Topics discussed American economic dominance, regionalism, and American involvement in international organizations.

An essay is presented in which the author discusses Caribbean American regionalism and cultural links between the U.S. and the Caribbean region. The author discusses the vision of the late U.S. statesman Alexander Hamilton of the U.S. as a dominant commercial empire in the Western Hemisphere, the concept of the international political economy (IPE), and argues for the need for scholars to examine how writers and artists to determine U.S. empire-building in the Caribbean in the 19th century was resisted.

During the 1940s, the United States undertook a series of ambitious programs to exploit raw materials-mineral, vegetable, and animal- in Latin America. These programs, which required the United States to use all its scientific, economic, and diplomatic weight, consolidated the commodity-based imperialism that it has exercised in the region since the middle of the twentieth century. This article focuses on the mechanisms that it employed to promote the exploitation of vegetable resources and reflects on the impacts that this form of intervention in nature has had on the environment and the agricultural development of the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thomas Friedman's 2005 book The world is flat was meant as a wake-up call to those in the United States who direct its corporate boardrooms and govern its political/economic state, a warning that globalization has brought about a level economic 'playing field' in which the United States might be losing the game. As rhetoric, the title certainly works well to raise fears about North America's future economic role. It also works in concretizing a popular view of globalization, a view that obscures its uneven, discordant, and decidedly unflat processes and practices. In this paper I help deconstruct this view by fleshing out the everyday ways through which United States expanded economically in its early (1890-1927) global empire. Based on archival work in Argentina, Russia, Scotland, and the United States, I provide a historical look at encounters between North American business men and women and their foreign customers, students, and workers. Focusing on the diverse practices and personal encounters that were critical to the early global efforts of select United States-based corporations, I expose the uneven, contested, and messy ways in which economic expansion works. By analyzing early global encounters when the economic dominance of the United States was just becoming apparent, I am able to highlight the sheer complexity and truly relational nature of United States' expansion in the early twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The so-called opening of Japan is often seen as a victory for American gunboat diplomacy, accomplished through the expert negotiations of Commodore Matthew Perry. The successful conclusion of this action was the beginning of an American presence in the Pacific. The Dutch, who had trading relations with Japan since 1609, are seen as irrelevant, generally vilified, or despised as weak. This article draws on primarily Dutch archival sources to demonstrate that the Dutch in fact skillfully navigated very rough diplomatic waters and smoothed the American treaty process with the Tokugawa shogunate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an examination of the the relationship between the West and the countries that make up the Third World/Global South. It examines the three stages that Third World/Global South countries have moved through in the post-colonial fight for political independence and economic development. It examines the initial economic cooperation that was established during the Development Project stage, it explores the spread of neoliberal global capitalism during the Globalization Project stage and the discusses the role the United States has taken in gaining political and economic control of the Third World/Global South in the Imperial Project stage.

The article presents an examination of the financial and imperial goals that American businessman John Jacob Astor had in mind when he financed a western expedition led by explorer Wilson Price Hunt. It examines Astor's establishment of a fur company in Astoria, Oregon on the Columbia River and U.S. President Thomas Jefferson's approval of the company as an act that provided the country with territorial occupation of the Pacific Northwest. It explores how Astor gained knowledge of the northwest and of the financial benefits of empire. It also examines how Astor responded to the threat of war during the War of 1812.

Discusses the economic interpretation of the American Revolution for the British empire and the imperial policy of Great Britain. Creation of the Navigation Acts of the British empire; How the imperial policy affected colonial welfare.