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This study examines how white Americans' beliefs about affirmative action intersect with three important workplace factors: supervisory status (supervisors vs. subordinates), employment sector (public vs. private), and workplace racial composition. Using data from the 1996–2018 General Social Surveys, we first examine trends over time in three beliefs: (1) the perception that whites are hurt by affirmative action, (2) attitudes toward the preferential hiring and promotion of blacks, and (3) opinions regarding special treatment by the government for blacks. We then examine how the three workplace factors shape support for (or opposition to) such race-targeted policies. Our analyses reveal declining opposition to affirmative action over time, though a majority of whites, regardless of authority level, still hold conservative stances on race-targeted policies. Further, results for our three key predictors (supervisory status, employment sector, workplace racial composition) provide support for group position, new governance, and intergroup contact theories, respectively. We conclude by discussing implications of our findings for intergroup relations with special focus on understanding barriers to the implementation of antidiscrimination and diversity policies aimed at ameliorating racial inequities in U.S. workplaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Citing the black family as the locus of responsibility for black disadvantage has a long history in the United States; however, only limited research has examined the place of family upbringing in studies of Americans' beliefs about the causes of racial inequality. Methods: We use data from the 2010, 2012, and 2014 General Social Surveys (GSS) to examine the prevalence and selected correlates of a newly offered (by the GSS) and culturally centered explanation of the black/white socioeconomic status gap focusing on "differences in upbringing." Results: The "upbringing" explanation is the most popular of the five reasons offered by the GSS in all three waves of data available for examination. Three‐quarters of GSS respondents endorse this view, while less than half endorse the next most popular explanation. Upbringing is also the most popular explanation among all three race/ethnic groups we examine, though non‐Hispanic whites endorse this view most strongly. Conclusion: Our results offer important insights for future survey design and investigations of public beliefs about racial inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: This study examines the affective dimension of racial threat. Most modern studies of threat are framed through Blumer's group position theory and measure threat as increases in levels of traditional racism or perceptions of competition. These measurements neglect to operationalize Blumer's affective conceptualizations of threat. Methodology/Approach: Building on Blumer's theoretical framework, we outline threat's affective dimension through a presentation of new survey items designed to capture what threat feels like. Findings: Using factor and regression analyses, we demonstrate how affect is distinct from perceived competition, and how it is positively associated with Blumer's theoretically predicted outcome of racial prejudice, in the form of increased levels of racial resentment. Practical Implications: Future research by sociologists and other social and behavioral scientists should explicitly consider threat's affective dimension in order to provide a more robust picture of racial prejudice in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Racial segregation remains a persistent problem in U.S. schools. In this article, we examine how social psychological factors—in particular, individuals’ perceptions of schools with varying demographic characteristics—may contribute to the ongoing structural problem of school segregation. We investigate the effects of school racial composition and several nonracial school characteristics on white parents’ school enrollment decisions for their children as well as how racial stereotypes shape the school choice process. We use data from a survey-based experiment we designed to test ‘‘pure race’’ and ‘‘racial proxy’’ hypotheses regarding parents’ enrollment preferences. We also use a measure of pro-white stereotype bias, both alone and in combination with school racial composition (percentage black). Using logistic regression analysis, we find support for the ‘‘pure race’’ hypothesis. The proportion of black students in a hypothetical school has a consistent and significant inverse association with the likelihood of white parents enrolling their children in that school net of the effects of the included racial proxy measures. In addition, higher levels of pro-white stereotype bias further inhibit enrollment, particularly in schools with higher proportions of black students. We discuss the implications of this research for policies aimed at mitigating racial segregation in U.S. schools. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective. We examine (1) whether black migration trends from the final few decades of the 20th century continued during the first decade of the 21st century, (2) whether the black southern migration stream continues to be demographically distinctive, and (3) whether incorporating subjective/motivational factors into our models advances our understanding of race and interregional migration. Methods. Using data from the 2000 to 2010 Current Population Surveys, we employ descriptive and inferential statistics to (1) map recent patterns of interregional migration in the United States by race and (2) estimate the effects of race, other sociodemographics, and subjective/motivational factors on people's propensity to migrate to the United States South. Results. We find that the rate of black migration to the South continues to exceed that of whites, and that black migrants differ from their white counterparts both demographically and motivationally. We also observe selected gender differences within the black southern migration stream. Conclusions. Our results underscore the need for more research on race, gender, and interregional migration in the United States. We suggest directions for such work, with particular focus on possibilities for further inquiry when 2010 census materials become more widely available. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although much research documents the growth of a “professional middle class” among African Americans over the past several decades, we know comparatively little about how Blacks see themselves in social class terms, and whether this has changed over time. In the current study, we use data from the 1974 to 2010 General Social Surveys to analyze trends in, and the determinants of, Blacks’ social class identifications (SCI) over the past four decades. Our results show that Blacks’ tendency to identify as “middle class” has increased in concert with Blacks’ socioeconomic status (SES) gains since the 1970s. Regarding the determinants of SCI, education and household income appear more consequential than occupational prestige and self-employment in shaping Blacks’ self-reports of their own class positions. Finally, we see little evidence of change over time in the relationship between various SES characteristics and SCI, with one exception: Self-employment has become a more potent predictor of Blacks’ SCI over the past several decades. Our results provide an important update to our knowledge of the dynamics of SCI among Black Americans. They also raise important questions for future research on the relationship between, and relative impact of, “race” and “class” in shaping Blacks’ identities and their orientations toward American society. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This research examines recent migration patterns of native-born blacks and whites to the U.S. South. Our primary research questions concern race and regional migration dynamics, and whether new insights into such can be gleaned by comparing migrants to the South with persons moving within the non-South. Using samples of 1970-2000 census data, we focus on race differences in the tendency to choose the South as a migration destination, and whether whites and blacks differ in key selection mechanisms shaping movement to different regional destinations. We observe increasing rates of black (compared to white) migration to the South. Additionally, patterns of selectivity within this growing African-American migration stream are especially dramatic when southern migrants are compared to persons moving within the non-South. Our analyses also show that black migrants are targeting particular parts of the South (e.g., states where blacks are a larger share of the population), suggesting that future research should disaggregate the 'Census South' region to provide a more comprehensive picture of contemporary interregional migration in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines inter-regional migration patterns in the United States by native-born whites and blacks over the final four decades of the 20th century. Our primary research question is whether regional changes in the United States have made the South a more favorable destination than it once was, especially for blacks. Using samples of census data from 1970 to 2000, we analyze white/black differences in primary (an original move) and return migration to the South, as well as in the selectivity of migration. We observe increasing rates of black (compared to white) migration to the South. Additionally, patterns of selectivity within this growing black migration stream suggest that younger, more educated black women are an important component of this regional population shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The incidence of uterine leiomyomata (fibroids, myomas) is 2-3 times higher in black women than white women. Black women also report higher levels of racial discrimination. We evaluated the hypothesis that greater exposure to racism increases myoma risk in black women.Methods: Data were derived from the Black Women's Health Study, a prospective cohort study of US black women age 21-69 years in 1995. In 1997, women reported on "everyday" and "lifetime" experiences of racism. From 1997 through 2003, we followed 22,002 premenopausal women to assess the association between self-reported racism and risk of myomas. Incidence rate ratios (IRRs) and 95% confidence intervals (CIs) were estimated from Cox regression models.Results: During 107,127 person-years of follow-up, 3440 new cases of uterine myomas confirmed by ultrasound (n = 2774) or surgery (n = 666) were reported. All IRRs for "lifetime" and "everyday" experiences of racism were above 1.0. Using a summary variable that averaged the responses from 5 "everyday" racism items, multivariable IRRs comparing quartiles 2, 3, and 4 to quintile 1 (lowest) were 1.16 (95% CI = 1.04-1.29), 1.19 (1.06-1.32), and 1.27 (1.14-1.43), respectively. Multivariable IRRs comparing women who reported 1, 2, or 3 lifetime occurrences of major discrimination (ie, job, housing, or police) relative to those who reported none were 1.04 (0.96-1.13), 1.17 (1.07-1.28), and 1.24 (1.10-1.39), respectively. Results did not vary according to case definition (ultrasound vs. surgery) or health care utilization. Associations were weaker among foreign-born women and among women with higher coping skills.Conclusions: Perceived racism was associated with an increased risk of uterine myomas in US-born black women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Do African Americans, Hispanics, and non-Hispanic whites differ in their explanations of the socioeconomic divide separating blacks and whites in the United States? Have such explanations changed over time? To answer these questions, I use data from the 1977 to 2004 General Social Surveys (GSS) to map race/ethnic differences in support for, trends in, and the determinants of seven "modes of explanation" for blacks' disadvantage. Trends over time indicate the continuation of a long-standing decline in non-Hispanic whites' use of an ability-based (innate inferiority) explanation. Non-Hispanic whites' beliefs in a purely motivational and a purely educational explanation are increasing, however, along with the view that none of the explanations offered in the GSS explain blacks' disadvantage. African Americans and Hispanics also evidence increases in a purely motivational explanation, but they differ from non-Hispanic whites in demonstrating clear declines in structural beliefs—especially the perception that discrimination explains blacks' lower socioeconomic status. These conservative shifts in blacks' and Hispanics' beliefs result in greater similarity with non-Hispanic whites over time. Notably, however, significant "static" race/ethnic group differences remain: non-Hispanic whites score highest, and blacks lowest, on a purely motivational explanation, while African Americans are more likely than both non-Hispanic whites and Hispanics to endorse a discrimination-based explanation. I conclude by discussing the implications of these findings for racial policy support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines (1) whether a comparative study of African Americans and whites in a nationwide sample bears out the widespread assumption of a distinctive African American religiosity (when region and other factors are controlled), and (2) whether any race differences provide support for the "semi-involuntary" interpretation of African American religious involvements. Using data from the 1974-94 General Social Surveys, we examine how a variety of indicators of religious involvement vary by race and region. We find two basic types of evidence qualifying the assertion of a generalized heightened religiosity among African Americans. First, in analyzing three major subregions of the U.S., we find that African Americans, compared with whites, are no more religiously involved in the rural South, exhibit consistently higher religious involvement in the urban South, and show lower levels of religious involvement in the urban North. Second, in analyzing various types of church attendance (i.e., "weekly," "intermittent," and "infrequent"), we find that African American church attendance is distinctive mainly at an intermittent (e.g., monthly) rather than weekly level. These findings suggest that the rural South produces distinctive patterns of church attendance across racial lines, perhaps reflecting the legacy of segregation and the central importance of the church in rural community life. The markedly different urban patterns by region point to some important areas for further research into the semi-involuntary thesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research examines religious affiliation and church attendance among African-Americans in three different regions of the United States to evaluate the thesis that the Black church represents a semi-involuntary institution shaped by historical dynamics of segregation in the rural South. We extend the analyses of others who have found the rural South to have distinctive church participation patterns by examining two nationally representative data sets (the 1972–1996 General Social Surveys and the 1984 National Alcohol Study). We explore both level and type of church attendance of African-Americans, and how patterns differ by region. Further, we refine prior analyses by (1) differentiating between members of historically “White” and “conservative” churches from those in the black “mainline,” (2) examining racial segregation, and (3) focusing on the “type” of church attendance (rather than just overall level). Ordinary Least Squares (OLS) and logistic regression models support the thesis that the rural South exhibits some distinctive patterns that make the “semi-involuntary institution” notion a useful concept, although patterns not predicted by the thesis are also found. The semi-involuntary thesis is also used to illuminate some church attendance patterns observed outside the rural South. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While a substantial literature on the "belief in a just world" (Lerner, 1980) exists, we know little about who actually believes that the world is just. This study (1) examines several existing explanations for "just-world" beliefs, and (2) compares the beliefs of African Americans, Latinos, and whites. Methods. Survey data collected in 1993 from a sample of southern Californians are used to test whether race/ethnicity, gender, SES, age, and religion shape "just-world" beliefs. In addition, the question of whether African Americans, Latinos, and whites differ in the effects of these variables is examined. Results. Significant race/ethnic differences are found, with Latinos showing the strongest support for the belief in a just world and blacks, the weakest. Significant differences are also found by SES and gender, with greatest support for just-world beliefs found among men and persons of low SES; and, religious affiliation shapes the belief in a just world, but church attendance does not. Finally, race/ethnic differences are found for several determinants of the belief in a just world. Conclusions. This study suggests that existing knowledge of the belief in a just world reflects a "white" experience of the world traceable to the neglect of blacks and Latinos in past research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a. sample of southern Californians, three' questions were investigated: (1) Are there race/ethnic differences in beliefs about the causes of poverty? (2) Do two social psychological variables, namely internal and external self-explanations, significantly affect beliefs about poverty net cf respondents' background characteristics'? and (3) Do the determinants of beliefs about poverty differ for blacks, Latinos, and whites? Results indicate that in each case the answer is yes. First, blacks and Latinos are more likely than whites to view both individualistic and structuralist explanations for poverty as important. Second, respondents' self explanations have significant effects on poverty beliefs. Lastly, the patterns of effects of several variables that predict beliefs about poverty differ across race/ethnic groups. Results confirm, contradict, and extend current knowledge of beliefs about poverty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background Resident applicants in neurosurgery often wonder what factors impact their chances of successfully matching. Using data published by the National Residency Match Program for 2009–2016, we examined which components of the Electronic Residency Application Service application correlated with successful residency matching. Methods Data were collected from the National Residency Match Program publication Charting Outcomes in the Match from all years it was available for neurosurgery (2009, 2011, 2014, 2016). Individual factors reported (number of contiguous ranks, research projects, publications and presentations, work experiences, volunteer experiences, United States Medical Licensing Examination Step 1 and 2 score deciles, categorical data about Alpha Omega Alpha status, Ph.D. degree, other degree, and strength of medical school National Institutes of Health funding) were aggregated for all 3 years. Categorical data were available only for U.S. seniors. Spearman correlation and χ 2 were used for ranked data and categorical data, respectively. Separate analyses were run for U.S. seniors and independent applicants. Results For U.S. seniors applying to neurosurgery, number of contiguous ranks, United States Medical Licensing Examination Step 1 and 2 scores, research projects, Alpha Omega Alpha status, and medical school top 40 National Institutes of Health funding were significantly associated with successful matching of applicants. Number of volunteer experiences was nearly statistically significant. For independent applicants, only United States Medical Licensing Examination Step 1 and 2 scores and number of research projects were statistically significant. Conclusions This is the first study to analyze National Residency Match Program data for predictors of success in neurosurgical matching. Students applying to neurosurgery residency and their mentors should be aware of which baseline objective factors are associated with match success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article comments on the impact of the U.S. government's counterterrorism policies on public health programs. Topics cited include the U.S. Central Intelligence Agency's (CIA) exploitation of a vaccination program to obtain DNA samples as part of its search for the late terrorist Osama Bin Laden, violet attacks and the murder of vaccination workers which are partly due to suspicion on health programs and ethical values impacted by the military's use of health programs to gather intelligence.