Search

The state secrets privilege is the most formidable evidentiary privilege available to the United States government. Available only to the executive branch, it is used to protect national security information from disclosure during litigation, and is habitually acquiesced to by courts. Once invoked, the privilege prevents covered material from being put into evidence that touches sensitive matters of national security. It is apparent that this privilege is subject to abuse by the executive branch to shield activities and personnel from judicial scrutiny and legal inquiries for reasons other than to protect national security. The privilege derives from British and Scottish doctrines of Crown Privilege that allow government to withhold evidence from legal proceedings to protect the public interest. The derivation of the state secrets privilege from the tradition of Crown Privilege has never been thoroughly explored. This article traces the influence of Crown Privilege in the development and evolution of the state secrets doctrine in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking its point of departure in Donald Rumsfeld’s second term as US Secretary of Defense (2001–2006), this article analyses the crisis of strategic leadership in Western national security. Three “traps” are identified that explain why Donald Rumsfeld ultimately was a failure as defence secretary and demonstrate the perils of national security governance. These traps are termed the inquisitor trap, the strong leader trap and the delegation trap. It is argued that our understanding of strategic leadership in national security, particularly in defence, can benefit from insights gained from the study of strategic leadership in business. As such, this article engages the recent trend of merging insights from business and military strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Departing from Pierre Bourdieu's contention that capital takes on many forms beyond the economic, including a political form, this article examines how commodification patterned nineteenth century American politics. A case study of the Tweed Ring, which briefly governed Gilded Age New York, is reevaluated as a speculative political bubble that produced empirically identifiable political profits. From an election sweep in 1868 to a bank run in 1871, William Tweed gained and lost political power and material wealth through management of what the editorial cartoonist Thomas Nast hailed as the boss's ' Brains,' or democratic commerce, the market in political commodities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As noted by President Obama's recent Review Group on Intelligence and Communications Technologies, pervasive state surveillance has never been more feasible. There has been an inexorable rise in the size and reach of the national security bureaucracy since it was created after World War II, as we have gone through the Cold War and the War on Terror. No one doubts that our national security bureaucracies need to gain intelligence and keep some of it secret. But the consensus of decades of experts, both insiders and outsiders, is that there is rampant overclassification by government agencies. From its inception in 1966, the Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) has presumed disclosure. And from its inception, Congress intended the federal courts to act as a brake on unfettered agency discretion regarding classification. But courts have not played a strong role in this regard. This Article examines the interplay of overclassification, excessive judicial deference, and illusory agency expertise in the context of the national security exemption to the FOIA. The national security exemption allows documents to be withheld that are "specifically authorized under criteria established by an Executive Order to be kept secret in the interest of national defense or foreign policy" and that "are in fact properly classified pursuant to such Executive Order." The history of national security classification and the passage of the FOIA illuminate the tension between legislative demands for transparency and the growth of the national security state with its agency culture of secrecy. That tension has generally been resolved by the courts in favor of secrecy, despite agreement that there is rampant overclassification and pseudo-classification (labeling documents as sensitive but unclassified). This deference in turn leads agencies routinely to deny FOIA requests that should in fact be granted. Without adequate court oversight, there is no agency incentive to comply with the FOIA's presumption of disclosure. We argue that courts have been systematically ignoring their clear legislative mandate. Although the government is entitled to substantial deference, the role of the judiciary is not to rubber stamp claims of national security, but to undertake de novo and in camera review of government claims that the information requested was both required to be kept secret and properly classified. Congress amended the FOIA in 1974 to make this requirement explicit, overruling a judicial attempt to defer completely to government claims that national security classifications are proper. There are many reasons that courts are reluctant to get involved in determining the validity of exemption claims based on national security. Overestimation of risk may be one reason, as is fear of the consequences of error. We also discuss a "secrecy heuristic" whereby people attribute greater accuracy to "secret" documents. Notwithstanding these rationales, courts have, in other contexts, wrestled successfully with the conflict between national security and paramount rights, such as those found in the First and Fourth Amendments. Courts have the institutional expertise to review claims of national security, if they choose to exercise it Our conclusion is that the systematic failures of the federal courts in the FOIA context are neither inevitable nor justified. We show that courts do occasionally order the release of some documents. This Article includes the first empirical investigation into the decisionmaking of the D.C. district courts and federal circuit courts in cases involving the national security exemption to determine what, if any, factors favor document release. We find that party characteristics are the biggest predictor of disclosure. We also show that, while politics do not seem to matter at most courts, they do at the D.C. Circuit Court of Appeals, at which Republican-dominated panels have never ordered disclosure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews theoretical developments in the sociology of the US racial state since the publication of Michael Omi and Howard Winant's groundbreaking Racial Formation in the United States. After briefly outlining their theory, it surveys the still diminutive literature and concludes by pointing to promising future directions, drawing on insights from other disciplines and incipient stirrings from within sociology. Destabilizing the unquestioned assumption that the United States is and has been a nation-state, the article reconceptualizes it as an empire-state. This turn establishes a firmer footing for the claim that the United States is intrinsically a racial state and yields a generative framework for reconsidering and stimulating scholarship toward more effective analysis and critique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses criminal jurisdiction and the Nation-state in the U.S. in relation to Native American tribes, communal autonomy, and the law-based Bounded Pluralism theory as of March 2013. A debate over whether the U.S. should join the International Criminal Court (ICC) is addressed, along with state sovereignty, American criminal law, and sub-national community-based criminal justice systems. Indian law and international criminal law are mentioned, along with jurisdictional issues.

This Article examines the enforcement of racialized gender norms through the regulation of dress in prisons. Dress, including hair and clothing, is central to the ways government and other institutions enforce hierarchical social norms. These norms are based on the intersection of race and gender, as well as religion, sexuality, class, age, and disability. For many people, dress is a way to express identity, exercise autonomy, practice religion, participate politically, experience pleasure, preserve health, or avoid violence. My review of prison dress regulations shows that prison systems commonly impose penalties including solitary confinement for deviations from dominant social norms. Examples of these deviations include wearing hair in an Afro, covering hair with a headscarf, or having long hair if incarcerated as a man. I situate prison rules in the historical context of dress regulation and prison evolution in the United States. The justifications-such as repression of homosexuality and group affiliation, prevention of attacks and escapes, and promotion of hygiene and rehabilitation-that prison officials offer for these rules raise normative and instrumental concerns. Nonetheless, courts frequently diminish individual and community interests in dress while deferring to prison regulations that lack complete or credible justifications. In furtherance of the goal of prison abolition, I propose an integrated approach for change through policy amendments, doctrinal shifts, and broader grassroots efforts for social transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the career and death of Soviet Union spy Laurence Duggan, a U.S. State Department official who fell to his death from a building in New York City on December 20, 1948. Utilizing declassified documents known as the Venona cables, made available by the Soviet Union, the author discusses the symbolism of Duggan's death and the atmosphere of anticommunism in the U.S. during the Cold War. The article describes Duggan's initial work for the Soviet intelligence agency NKVD, the forerunner of the KGB, beginning in 1936, and his unsuccessful attempts to sever ties with the Soviet government. The article examines the role of the Communist Party of the United States of America (CPUSA), the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC), and the Smith Act during the Cold War.

This article examines inclusive education in view of the current US policy climate. The No Child Left Behind Act provides the opportunity to examine dominant social forces and the underlying theories of mechanism and positivism that run counter to a constructivist approach to inclusive education. The incompatibility of these theories is explored in terms of four factors that influence efforts to implement change: images of teaching and learning, images of organisation, approaches to policy and organisational characteristics. This framework provides a means of clarifying and working to restore the movement towards inclusive education within local schools and communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arguments about the spread of gender egalitarian values through the population highlight several sources of change. First, structural arguments point to increases in the proportion of women with high education, jobs with good pay, commitment to careers outside the family, and direct interests in gender equality. Second, value shift arguments contend that gender norms change with social and economic development among women and men in diverse positions-traditional and non-traditional alike. Third, diffusion arguments suggest that structural change leads to adoption of new ideas and values supportive of gender equality by non-traditional and innovative groups in society, but that the new ideas later diffuse to other groups through cultural processes. Using the General Social Survey from 1977 to 2006 and comparing the determinants of gender egalitarianism across 86 cohorts born from roughly 1900 through 1985, multilevel models support the diffusion arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of American journalism have shown considerable interest in the ideal of objectivity. Although scholars disagree on the precise meaning of it and the timing of its rise, the standard historiographical assumption is that objectivity emerged as a dominant professional ethic at some point between the 1890s and the 1920s. This article argues against the notion of objectivity as a guiding ideal that dictated institutional norms in this era. Instead, this study contends that objectivity was a contemporaneous legitimation of journalistic practices, a set of ideal interests used to camouflage or even further the press' material interests: increased revenue, advertising, and circulation as well as protection from legal sanctions. Such practice did not inhere tacitly within the machinery of journalism--it was conscious, deliberate, and explicit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Western Sahara conflict, now in its 35th year, is a conflict that challenges concepts of territorial sovereignty and self-determination and of the alleged linkage between them. It is also a manifestation of the struggle for regional hegemony between Algeria and Morocco and, by extension, a struggle by both regional powers to capture the attention and support of Europe and the United States. Amidst these major concerns, the interests of the Western Saharans themselves are being increasingly ignored, a situation that raises further questions about popular legitimisation of sovereignty in the contemporary world order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The China Hands -- the US Foreign Service officers who served in China during the second world war -- have been portrayed as both villains and tragic heroes of US diplomatic and Cold War history. As villains, they deliberately 'lost' China to the communists in 1949. As tragic heroes, they proposed wise alternatives to US policy in Asia: alternatives that might have pre-empted the war in Vietnam. Rather than render judgment on the recommendation to cooperate with the Chinese communists, this article considers instead the medium through which this recommendation was made, namely diplomatic reporting. A focus on the two most vilified and heroized of the China Hands, Jack Service and John Davies, demonstrates the importance of the evolving tradition of Foreign Service reporting to the rise of the China Hands during the war . It also reveals how, after 1949, the anti-communist attack on the China Hands focused not only on the immediate recommendations of the China Hands, but also on the tradition and practice of diplomatic reporting, thereby suggesting that the medium was itself associated with communism. The effects of this conflation outlasted the internal policy debate to which the China Hands' reports properly belonged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In May 2003 Paul Bremer issued CPA Orders to exclude from the new Iraq government members of the Baath Party (CPA Order 1) and to disband the Iraqi Army (CPA Order 2). These two orders severely undermined the capacity of the occupying forces to maintain security and continue the ordinary functioning of the Iraq government. The decisions reversed previous National Security Council judgments and were made over the objections of high ranking military and intelligence officers. The article concludes that the most likely decision maker was the Vice President. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal of Cross Cultural Management is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article focuses on aspects of Muslim morality. The article examines a group of Muslim converts in Missouri and the moral codes they have created through their religion. Ethnographic fieldwork and interviews are used to gather data. The author cites Muslim practices such as ritual prayer, fasting, and covering used by the Muslim group. Topics include the author's use of the theories of Bourdieu in the article, moral disposition or habitus, identity, rationalization, and how modern society affects religion.

The article offers information on the implications of the integration of green democracy as part of political project in the U.S. According to the article, the proposed initiatives lacks recognition on historical scope that surround the political problem for the actual administration of green democracy. It also cites the concept of constitutionalism, authoritarianism and anarchism in compliance to the project.

In 2002 Afghanistan began to experience a violent insurgency as the Taliban and other groups conducted a sustained effort to overthrow the Afghan government. Why did an insurgency begin in Afghanistan? Answers to this question have important theoretical and policy implications. Conventional arguments, which focus on the role of grievance or greed, cannot explain the Afghan insurgency. Rather, a critical precondition was structural: the collapse of governance after the overthrow of the Taliban regime. The Afghan government was unable to provide basic services to the population; its security forces were too weak to establish law and order; and there were too few international forces to fill the gap. In addition, the primary motivation of insurgent leaders was ideological. Leaders of the Taliban, al-Qaida, and other insurgent groups wanted to overthrow the Afghan government and replace it with one grounded in an extremist interpretation of Sunni Islam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new economic sociology contends that personal relationships and trust play key roles in structuring economic activity. Max Weber's 1906 essay, ‘Churches and Sects,’ epitomizes the new economic sociology argument. The piece not only details the origins of and individual motivations behind social capital formation in sects, it also shows how congregation-based social capital facilitated the emergence of capitalism in America. I supplement Weber's work with that of contemporary scholars to provide social-capital-based explanations of capitalism in northern Italy, the Netherlands, and England, all emphasizing the significance of credit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A renewed scholarly interest in the social foundations of democratic societies provides an opportunity to examine complementary lines of analysis in the writings of Alexis de Tocqueville and Max Weber. Comparative studies of their reflections typically rely upon a detailed consideration of Tocqueville's Democracy in America and Weber's writings on the sociology of religion. This strategy has provided a basis for concluding that Tocqueville developed an interest-based theory of politics that contrasts with Weber's emphasis on the role of values as essential for motivating politically relevant action and legitimating states. I will argue that a more comprehensive perspective on their intellectual positions requires taking into account their assessment of social structures within which ideal and material interests are embedded. My conclusion that Tocqueville and Weber shared an intellectual focus on social structures and how those structures may impede as well as facilitate democracy is drawn from an analysis of Tocqucville's The Old Regime and the Revolution and selected political writings of Weber. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes the "public intellectual" trope as a theoretical case study, and traces how it has been used in the elite public sphere of the contemporary United States since its coining in 1987. The analysis challenges the notion that the "public intellectual" is primarily about broad democratic publics. It documents instead how the trope is used to frame meaning and practice within specific intellectual publics, namely science, higher education, and journalism. By focusing on the play of tropes around the "public intellectual" and examining the authoritative cultural members who use the trope, the trope analysis identifies principles and strategies under contest in the journalistic, academic, and political fields of the contemporary United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the absence of an American equivalent to the French word laïcité becomes an ethnographic opening to an exploration of the church-state divide in the U.S. context. Drawing on classic social theory, sociological accounts, and current events, I suggest that the constitutional separation of church and state--in addition to whatever it may mean in legal terms--also expresses a cultural proposition. Specifically, the separation of church and state posits a dual role for local communities as both the source of federal power (through representative government) and the foundation of its moral authority. The latter role can be sustained only to the extent that moral community is conceptualized as "outside" the state, extending to the state solely through the democratic process. The article concludes with a reflection on the politicization of "moral values" in the 2004 presidential election. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In eighteenth-century Britain and North America, newspaper advertisements were the primary means of publishing accounts of troublesome people and requesting further information about them. Army deserters and runaway convicts, slaves, servants, apprentices or husbands, are all described in great detail through this culture of advertisement. Knowledge of the bodies of social subordinates therefore was an essential means of controlling them, and through print culture, this private knowledge became public. Bodies of ordinary people were revealed to a wider audience by those who knew them, and were made available for public consumption. These descriptions also demonstrate different cultures of self-presentation, the ways men and women decorated their bodies, and, through marks and clothing, sustained their identities. This study compares American and English newspapers, the contrasting languages of description, particularly of color, and the different ways that intimate knowledge of the body was made public. The advertisements show that while eighteenth-century bodies were often marked by hardship, accident and corporal punishment, they were also decorated by words and symbols expressing pride and defiance. Only at the end of the eighteenth century was this culture of advertisement replaced by official processes of inspection and description of bodies of the poor and the deviant. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the significant role of religion on the life and politics of former U.S. President Jimmy Carter from 1977 to 1981. Views of Carter about politics; Details of several cases which illustrated the significance of religion in Carter's administration; Challenges and difficulties that were encountered by Carter during his term.

At first glance, the figure of the Puritan analysed by Max Weber seems to be in direct tension with the ethos of the modern artist. But the latter resembled the former, in two important respects: in his sense of mission and in his 'heroic individualism'. In countering the tendency to see the Protestant-bourgeois and the modern artist as arch-rivals, this article brings Weber's characterization of the Puritan into dialogue with the aesthetic ethos of a key figure in American music: the modernist composer Charles Ives. Ives saw music as a weapon against the spiritual and aesthetic barrenness of modern life, and celebrated work and business over the ethic of 'art for art's sake'. His evocation of the Protestant ethic raises an important question for the sociology of modern culture: did American modernists 'cultivate the arts' differently to their European counterparts? It is argued that American 'experimental' music is different to European 'serialism' precisely in that it subscribes to a commitment to 'practical action'. The article concludes by asserting that even those American composers who have opted for a 'mystical' route to salvation - for example, John Cage - have often replicated the Protestant desire to find beauty and 'grace' in the modern world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines Evacuation Day, a New York City holiday that was celebrated every November 25th for over a century. Observance of the day in 1783 when the British military ended its occupation of the city; Initiation of the holiday by New York City merchants who prized the evacuation for exemplifying their ideals of elite rule, social harmony, national independence and local boosterism; Ways in which the Civil War severely damaged Evacuation Day.

In this article we take a discourse-historical approach to illustrate the significance of George W. Bush's (2001) declaration of a `war on terror'. We present four exemplary `call to arms' speeches by Pope Urban 11(1095), Queen Elizabeth 1(1588), Adolf Hitler (1938) and George W. Bush (2001) to exemplify the structure, function, and historical significance of such texts in western societies over the last millennium. We identify four generic features that have endured in such texts throughout this period: (i) an appeal to a legitimate power source that is external to the orator, and which is presented as inherently good; (ii) an appeal to the historical importance of the culture in which the discourse is situated; (iii) the construction of a thoroughly evil Other; and (iv) an appeal for unification behind the legitimating external power source. We argue further that such texts typically appear in historical contexts characterized by deep crises in political legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Charitable Choice Policy, the heart of President Bush's Faith-Based Initiative, is the direct government finding of religious organi7ations for the purpose of carrying out government programs. The Bush presidential administration has called for the application of Charitable Choice Policy to all kinds of social services. Advocates for child-abuse victims contend that the Bush Charitable Choice Policy would further dismantle essential social services provided to abused children. Others have argued Charitable Choice Policy is unconstitutional because it crosses the boundary separating church and state. Rather than drastically altering the U.S. social-policy landscape, this paper demonstrates that the Bush Charitable Choice Policy already is in place for child-abuse services across many of the fifty states. One reason this phenomenon is ignored is due to the reliance on the public-private dichotomy for studying social policies and services. This paper contends that relying on the public-private dichotomy leads researchers to overlook important configurations of actors and institutions that provide services to abused children. It offers an alternate framework to the public-private dichotomy useful for the analysis of social policy in general and, in particular, Charitable Choice Policy affecting services to abused children. Employing a new methodological approach, fuzzy-sets analysis, demonstrates the degree to which social services for abused children match ideal types. It suggests relationships between religious organizations and governments are essential to the provision of services to abused children in the United States. Given the direction in which the Bush Charitable Choice Policy will push social-policy programs, scholars should ask whether abused children will be placed in circumstances that other social groups will not and why. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For decades, Chicago's South Side has provided the material for the iconic representation of black urban poverty in the USA. Today, the poorest (but best-located) parts of this vast homeland — where land and homes could be had for a pittance two decades ago — are being celebrated by the City, eyed by developers, and featured by the media for their rise from the dust. This article focuses on how they are also being reclaimed by affluent African Americans, and the resulting contests over the representations of blackness. Three years of ethnographic research in North Kenwood — Oakland, located near the heart of black Chicago, highlight the class and lifestyle fractures within black identity, while affirming the persistence of blackness as a collective experience and endeavor. Nonetheless, the distinctions made by affluent blacks, which marginalize the behaviors and interests of their poor black neighbors, have real consequences for the distribution of neighborhood resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although working is considered by occupational therapy practitioners to be an important life role, there is very little information about the nature of working in the occupational therapy literature. This article reviews the construct of working in three ways: 1) The history of working and how it has shaped the modern beliefs about working; 2) The nature of working; and 3) The health promoting attributes of working. The paper will also discuss research done on how working is viewed by individuals with disabilities and will touch on some of the implications of the cultural bias in the workplace toward workers with disabilities. Through this increased knowledge of the nature of working, occupational therapy practitioners and other vocational rehabilitation professionals will be better equipped to break down the subtle cultural barriers, and help individuals with disabilities to participate in working. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1954, J. Robert Oppenheimer, who had emerged from World War II as America's foremost scientific advisor to government, faced a security hearing which stripped him of his security clearance and barred him from government work. This paper provides a novel interpretation of this event and its significance by arguing that the hearing exposed fundamental and endemic tensions in the place of science in liberal democratic politics. Science's image of impersonal objectivity makes it useful to the liberal democratic state. Scientific advice helps to legitimize executive power as a neutral tool of the public will. However, as it is appropriated by the state, science is itself held accountable to bureaucratic conceptions of objectivity. Personal trust and personal authority in science become problematic in the context of state administration and the use of science for political legitimation. The Oppenheimer hearing exemplified the way in which the incorporation of science into the administrative apparatus of government has involved disciplining scientific experts and fashioning scientific authority after the bureaucratic model of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Explores the role that Pentecostal ideas, practices and forms of organization play in the construction of community and collective identity among Salvadoran and Peruvian Pentecostals in the United States. Theories of Pentecostalism and society in Latin America and among US Latinos; Case study on Latino Pentecostal congregations in Paterson, New Jersey and in Washington DC.

Focuses on the issue of homosexuals serving in the United States military. Question of whether open integration of gays and lesbians would disrupt combat effectiveness or unit cohesion while simultaneously advancing civil rights; The historical and social structural context within which military personnel policy evolves; The Don't Ask, Don't Tell policy; Differences between civilian and military organizations.

Presents the results of a study which tested a model of manager turnover in local governments in the United States that includes community characteristics and institutional arrangements. Overview of executive turnover in local government; Institutional context of local public management; Tenure and termination of managers; Employment arrangements for managers.

Develops and tests an empirical model of the influences on bureaucratic policy making in state Medicaid programs. Influence of interest groups, structural characteristics, and state environmental conditions on state policy choices to adopt optional health care services; Negligibility of direct impact of partisan and ideological political factors.

Renewed interest in the relationship between religion and politics in the United States and widespread discussion of recent pastoral letters adopted by the American bishops, especially those dealing with disarmament and the economy, have drawn attention to the political values of American Catholics. After a brief historical review of the political experiences of American Catholics and of the roles social theorists accord religion in political life, this article addresses three concerns: (1) in a nation of joiners, does parish participation reinforce civic participation? (2) are there patterns in the connection between religious values and political values? and (3) do parishioners feel that church leaders should offer teachings on personal morality and sociopolitical questions and, if so, should the teaching be accorded special respect? The primary basis for empirical generalizations is a sample of 2667 active, parish-connected non-Hispanic Catholics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Natural disasters place enormous and extraordinary burdens on the people who experience them. Individuals and private organizations are often unable to cope with the stresses and strains of events like hurricanes, earthquakes and floods. Therefore, people turn naturally to government for assistance. However, disasters generate problems that are often difficult to anticipate and handle. As a result, the effectiveness of governmental efforts in this area has been highly variable. In some situations, the government appears to respond with speed and urgency. In the U.S., a system is in place to guide the government's response to disasters. This system strives to provide the most effective and efficient utilization of available resources. Like all other aspects of the American governmental structure, the disaster response system is dominated by bureaucratic norms and values. Yet disaster situations often produce newly emergent norms that are, in varying degrees, incompatible with previously existing bureaucratic policies and processes.

This article examines distinct political cultures of the Soviet Union in the U.S. and the Federal Republic of Germany. In the U.S., political freedoms and liberties have always been understood as involving freedom from state interference. This fundamental aspect of the U.S. life found its sources in the doctrines of the ascetic Protestant churches and sects and the hopes of the original immigrants to exercise a right of religious expression free from arbitrary state intervention. West Germans, on the other hand, while also fearing the Soviet state and critical of its encroachment upon personal freedoms, have a strong state tradition. A different mode of establishing trust among unknown others prevailed in Germany. No religious tradition comparable to ascetic Protestantism in the U.S. appeared in Germany to overcome the traditional insider-outsider ethical dualism and perform this task. This mode of establishing trust failed to leave a legacy, as did ascetic Protestantism, that stigmatized all adherents to secular and atheistic ideologies as untrustworthy. In many ways, the French and West German views of the U.S., when rigorously systematized, provide a mirror-image of dichotomies and ambivalences within each internal political culture.

Discusses the legal liability of public administrators and public agencies for breaches of individuals' constitutional or legal rights in the U.S. Standards of public administrators' legal liabilities; Ways in which public bureaucracy promotes uniformity.

Studies the existing tension between popular sovereignty and administrative development. Discussion on President Woodrow Wilson's treatise `The Study of Administration'; James Madison's writings concerning popular sovereignty; Dwight Waldo's `The Study of Public Administration'; Trends towards selecting bureaucracy; Problem of the emergent secularism.

With increasing recognition that the sociological perspective can help us to understand the professions and the ways in which social change affects them, new sociology programs are more likely to be established in professional schools than in liberal arts curricula. The experience of the United States Military Academy, where a full sociology major was established in the context of a professional (primarily engineering) curriculum, provides lessons in how such development might take place. Some of the characteristics of the West Point sociology faculty, such as being part of an interdisciplinary department, teaching interdisciplinary courses, and being evaluated primarily on the quality of teaching are likely to be common in professional school settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines historical differences in personnel practices among U.S. industries to explore the roots of modern "bureaucratic" work control. We report multivariate analyses of data describing organizational personnel practices, collected by the National Industrial Conference Board between 1935 and 1946. We find evidence of three early strands of bureaucratic labor control in different industrial sectors: worker allocation and job-evaluation techniques, which evolved from scientific management in modem assembly-line industries; internal labor-market mechanisms in white-collar nonmanufacturing; and practices related to seniority and the formalization of rules in unionized and skilled industries. Our analyses suggest that the institutional environment and the historical period of an industry's founding were among the central contingencies shaping labor control in a particular sector, as were several factors that past research has emphasized more, such as technology and skills, labor market conditions, and unionization. Our analyses thus corroborate some previous accounts of industrial differences in "bureaucratic control," while also suggesting some revisions concerning where, when, and why employment relations first became bureaucratized. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops a sociological approach to worker attachment that differs markedly from the capital value model of labor economics and the job satisfaction/organizational commitment approach of organizational psychology. Given that the worker's subordination is a key structural feature of the employment relation, the paper argues that the experience of subordination, as shaped by institutionalized normative codes governing the organization of domination, ought to be a central feature of models of attachment. Drawing on Weber's theory of authority, the paper holds that attachment is partly the outcome of a process whereby workers grade employer governance practices by reference to legitimating beliefs that prescribe proper modes of domination. Focusing on the American case, it is argued that this process of legitimation and attachment is governed largely by a belief in legality. A qualitative review of historical evidence suggests that, controlling for the economic rewards of work, the relationship between forms of governance and attachment over the last hundred years may be understood by reference to workers' belief in legality. The findings of an exploratory analysis of data from a firm and a national sample of workers lends additional support to the approach. The evidence weighs in favor of an approach that links nonnative principles of domination to worker attachment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Alexis de Tocqueville's commentary on America is famous, Max Weber's is far less so. However, in scattered writings, he addresses two of the themes at the centre of Tocqueville's analysis of the 'manners and mores' of the American political culture. the potential for a 'tyranny of the majority' in the US and the critical role of civil associations. By reference to these two themes, this study seeks to examine the divergent perspectives of these classicial theorists upon the political culture of the US, contrast Tocqueville's more structural and interest-based mode of analysis to Weber's emphasis upon the significance of values and beliefs, and comment upon, in light of the insights offered by both theorists, the sociological origins of citizenship. Unlike Tocqueville, Weber sees an odd juxtaposition—an accentuated, 'world mastery' individualism and an accentuated orientation to civic sphere ideals—at the centre of the American political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the importance of identifying the environmental context in which organizations function. The relationship between an organization and those other groups and individuals constituting its environment is specified in terms of linkages. Two key dimensions of linkage are identified: strength and breadth. The former refers to how intimately the organization is connected with any other group while the latter refers to how extensive is the support. These linkages' dimensions are viewed from a "resource mobilization" perspective, i.e., as the means by which resources are brought into an organization. A study of linkages sustained by the NAACP during 1961-69 illustrates how the dimensions of linkage strength and breadth can be operationalized and applied. New avenues of research then are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The ethnic community and compensatory theories of Black social participation are compared by analyzing affective correlates (political efficacy and self-esteem) of participation for 712 residents of Nashville, Tennessee in 1969. The instrumental-expressive typology of participation is utilized in addition to total participation. Participation and the affective variables are significantly correlated for Blacks, but only weakly correlated for Anglos, lending support to both theories. The relationship between participation, the affective variables, and the controlled background factors is briefly discussed, and problems and directions for future research are outlined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]