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The U.S. healthcare system has a long history of displaying racist contempt toward Black people. From medical schools' use of enslaved bodies as cadavers to the widespread hospital practice of reporting suspected drug users who seek medical help to the police, the institutional practices and policies that have shaped U.S. healthcare systems as we know them cannot be minimized as coincidence. Rather, the very foundations of medical discovery, diagnosis, and treatment are built on racist contempt for Black people and have become self-perpetuating. Yet, I argue that bioethics and bioethicists have a role in combatting racism. However, in order to do so, bioethicists have to understand the workings of contemptuous racism and how that particular form of racism manifests in U.S. healthcare institutions. Insofar as justice is part of the core mission of bioethics, then antiracism must also be part of the mission of bioethics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Alter and Zurn's framework identifies 'frequent companions' to backlash politics including emotive elements. This article addresses those emotive elements. In particular, it defines and unpacks the complex emotion of indignation, an emotion that sets off a dynamic process leading to mutual contempt between political groups. The article shows how indignation and its dynamic processes have helped unleash backlash politics in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negativity is common in political rhetoric and advertising, but its effects are variable. One important moderator may be the specific emotions communicated by the messages and potentially in recipients. Contempt may be the emotion often conveyed by uncivil ads, which have attracted considerable interest, particularly in light of increased partisan polarization. Using data from web-based surveys in New Jersey and Iowa, we examine the role contempt played in two U.S. Senate races in 2014. We find respondents perceived contempt—more than anxiety or anger—in four televised negative campaign ads and in candidates' statements about opponents. Moreover, respondents' feelings of contempt toward candidates, though less intense than feelings of anger, were of equal or greater significance than anger or anxiety in predicting voting intentions regarding three of the four Senate candidates across the two elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Little is known about the proximal variables linked to the fact that intercultural interactions produce less cooperation and more competition than intracultural interactions. A recent study demonstrated that comparatively poorer performances in intercultural dyads were linked to differences in the dyad’s home country scores on Hofstede’s dimension Power Distance. This finding suggested a potential role for the emotion of contempt because Power Distance refers to the distribution of power and status in a hierarchy, and contempt is an emotion related to perceptions of hierarchical status violations. We propose that intercultural interactions make status and hierarchical differences among individuals salient, thereby eliciting contempt; elicited contempt, in turn, has detrimental effects on cooperative behaviors. We tested this idea by reanalyzing the emotion data from the recent study described above. Non-U.S. interactants, who were from relatively higher Power Distance cultures compared with their U.S. counterparts, reported more contempt than did the U.S. interactants at the start of game play. Higher presession contempt, in turn, was associated with less cooperative and more competitive behaviors initially and at the end of game play. The findings provided support for the possible asymmetrical function of contempt in intercultural interactions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participants from three countries (United States, India, and Bulgaria) rated the socio-structural context between their nation and China. We explored the relationship between the components of the intergroup context (permeability, stability, and legitimacy) and five group-based emotions (happiness, fear, contempt, jealousy, and disgust) across these three international relationships. Overall, the results showed that socio-structural intergroup characteristics interact to differentially influence the intensity of reported group-based emotions. The intensity and predictors of each group-based emotion were also found to differ for each country. Together, these results show that simultaneously examining different socio-structural variables yields a more nuanced understanding of the relationship between the intergroup context and the emotions derived from group membership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jean-Pierre Bemba Gombo and his counsel are currently detained at The Hague, awaiting trial for alleged attempts to bribe witnesses and submit falsified evidence. This article utilizes those proceedings as a starting point for a broader discussion of criminal contempt proceedings brought by the Office of the Prosecutor (OTP) pursuant to Article 70 of the Rome Statute. Article 70 vests the OTP with exclusive discretion to instigate such proceedings, despite having an apparent conflict in every case brought against an attorney, whether a member of the OTP or opposing counsel. By vesting the OTP with such discretion, Article 70 also limits sanctioning options afforded to Chambers. Given these concerns, this article suggests that other alternatives, such as state referrals and disciplinary proceedings, should be employed in favor of Article 70 prosecutions. In the instant case and others where Article 70 is utilized, an independent counsel should be engaged at every step of the proceedings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the legal protection of the journalist–source relationship from both sides and the underlying interests involved. The paper begins by analysing why the relationship deserves protection. The position of journalists at common law is analysed with a discussion of the application of the principle established in Norwich Pharmacal v Customs and Excise to journalists. The development of immunity from contempt in s. 10 of the Contempt of Court Act 1981 is examined to illustrate the ideological clash between the judiciary and journalists. The impact of the Human Rights Act and decisions of the European Court of Human Rights are analysed to assess whether this will lead to a change in attitudes in the UK. Finally, the potential threat to journalists posed by compelled evidentiary disclosure in criminal cases is reviewed, with a particular look at ‘special procedure' material. The US section begins with an analysis of the law at federal level, the decisions of the Supreme Court, including the leading decision of Branzburg v Hayes, as well as the role the legislature has played. The paper then analyses protections provided at state level, with a case study of the California shield law and a review of Californian jurisprudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]