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Using family income as a class measure, this article explores whether gender and racial/ethnic gaps in hourly wages are the same across classes in the United States for 2015–2019. The study shows that the "mark of gender" extends beyond race/ethnicity and class. The conditional wages of women of any race/ethnicity are lower than those of any group of men of the same class (except that lower-class Asian women rank above lower-class Black men). Beyond differences in human capital, the wage disadvantage of Black and Hispanic workers, especially Black women, is (partially) associated with class stratification. Additionally, the study explores the role of occupations in explaining whether a group's wage is above or below average. Black women's wage disadvantage stems from occupational sorting, regardless of class. However, among White and Hispanic women, occupational sorting and underpayment within occupations are equally important. Occupational sorting does not seem to penalize Asian women. HIGHLIGHTS Intersectional analysis shows that in the US, class shapes the labor experiences of women and men of different racial/ethnic groups. Class limits White women's progress in the labor market. Black women are overrepresented in the lower class beyond their educational levels. Occupational barriers are especially strong for Black women even in the upper class. Racial differences in conditional wages among same-class groups of women are small. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prior research examining political behavior outside of the United States, has shown that violence can have a mixed impact on political engagement. Building on that work, this research examines whether violence shapes the political lives of poor Black women within the United States. I argue, neighborhood violence in the United States can and often does, shape the political behavior of Black women living below the poverty line in public housing. I use ethnographic data to parse out a conceptual framework which articulates connections between residential violence experienced by Black women living in poverty and their politics. Ultimately, my analysis shows violence can cause isolation and harm, and in doing so dampen political engagement. When residents experienced high levels of violence and did not feel a sense of belonging or connection to their neighborhood, they rarely engage d in visible political behaviors. However, residents who expressed a sense of connection to their neighborhood continued to engage in politics. Those residents who had interpersonal relationships within their residential neighborhood, frequently maintained and sometimes further developed their individual politics, despite and sometimes in response to, personal experiences with residential violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the contemporary United States, millions of fathers cycle through the criminal justice and child support systems—cycles that create new forms of debt and disadvantage. This symposium discusses those cycles and their effects on fathers and their families. Through comments on Lynne Haney's book, Prisons of Debt: The Afterlives of Incarcerated Fathers, the authors analyze the criminalization of child support and the ways it complicates reentry after prison. They engage Haney's arguments about the causes and consequences of prisons of debt and her empirical material on men's struggles as indebted fathers—or, as Michael Mitchell put it, the book's insistence on "getting proximate to human suffering." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

U.S. foreign policy proposals are more likely to be enacted than other items before government and more likely to reflect the views of the affluent public than the middle class. We assess these patterns. Internationalist policies, such as foreign aid, international involvement, and trade agreements, draw support from think tanks and the affluent and are especially likely to pass. In line with populist critiques, Washington expands its international entanglements despite less support from the American middle class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across various domains of social life, organizational reliance on personal data and exposure to unanticipated financial hardship have transformed Americans' life chances and access to opportunities. This article examines an area where they intersect: the hardship caused by breakdowns in information systems. I focus on the case of identity theft, showing how that event—experienced by tens of millions of Americans annually—contributes to economic insecurity. To do so, I first develop a theory of insecurity that links feelings of precariousness to breaches of trust at three levels: interpersonal, organizational, and systemic. Drawing on an original qualitative study of identity theft resolution, I find that most victims worried about their financial lives because they could no longer count on certain people, organizations, or systems. Beneath this commonality, race and class informed feelings of insecurity and associated coping strategies following identity theft. Low-income people and people of color tended to direct suspicion at personal networks and report ending relationships and informal assistance. In contrast, middle- and upper-income and White individuals disproportionately blamed organizations and demanded their protection. These findings—along with the trust-based theory that helped make them visible—have important implications for the study of insecurity, inequality, and trust in the information age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Context: Although the study of elite schools has been quite popular in recent years, elite all-boys schools in the United States have largely remained outside the gaze of researchers. Purpose: Two stories are presented to identify possibilities for advancing gender justice in those schools. Methods: Drawing on interview data of participants at two schools, the stories presented reflect common practices and relations found in a larger study on the lessons that 127 recent alumni of elite all-boys schools across the United States learned through their experiences at these institutions. Findings/Results: The stories reveal the disturbing ways in which hegemonic masculinities are reproduced through practices of homophobia, heterosexism, and misogyny within elite all-boys schools that highlight the challenges of engaging in gender justice work. Conclusions/Recommendations: Three areas of practice for elite all-boys schools are proposed that are imperative in working toward gender justice: (1) school climate and environment; (2) leadership for and commitment to gender justice; and (3) teaching and learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Post-industrial Era, there has been an apparent weakening of the relationship between class and voting in the U.S., with lower class voters becoming less likely to support the Democratic Party. We argue that this reflects that lower class status predicts liberal economic attitudes, but conservative views on cultural and racial issues, while the parties are consistently liberal or conservative, creating conflicts for many voters. How do voters settle such internal conflicts? We argue that the salience that voters attach to these different types of issues determines how policy attitudes, and indirectly class, shapes voting. Using ANES and GSS data since the 1970s, we find that class consistently predicts economic and cultural/minority policy attitudes, and that lower class voters who place more salience on economic issues, and upper class voters for whom cultural issues are more salient, are more likely to support the Democratic Party in presidential elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is still much to be done, there have been tremendous strides made in increasing the diversity of children's literature; however one area that is often overlooked in these conversations is social class. From years of providing picture book story time to young children living in homeless shelters, it became obvious that picture books being published in the U.S. privilege the experiences of middle- and upper-class people, especially in their depictions of home and housing. Based on analysis of 185 picture books published in the U.S. between 1999 and 2019, I argue that home as typically represented in children's picture books presents a limited and privileged view that normalizes single-family homes, material possessions, and related middle-class experiences. Further, these books do not reflect the lived experience of the millions of American children in the United States experiencing homelessness and housing instability, as well as those who live in apartments, trailers and other types of homes that contemporary picture books would have us believe do not exist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The year 2020 was an awakening for some. For others, it reiterated the persistent social injustice in the United States. Compelled by these events, 30 diverse individuals came together from January to May 2021 for a semester-long seminar exploring inequity in archaeological practice. The seminar's discussions spotlighted the inequity and social injustices that are deeply embedded within the discipline. However, inequity in archaeology is often ignored or treated narrowly as discrete, if loosely bound, problems. A broad approach to inequity in archaeology revealed injustice to be intersectional, with compounding effects. Through the overarching themes of individual, community, theory, and practice, we (a subset of the seminar's participants) explore inequity and its role in various facets of archaeology, including North–South relations, publication, resource distribution, class differences, accessibility, inclusive theories, service to nonarchaeological communities, fieldwork, mentorship, and more. We focus on creating a roadmap for understanding the intersectionality of issues of inequity and suggesting avenues for continued education and direct engagement. We argue that community-building—by providing mutual support and building alliances—provides a pathway for realizing greater equity in our discipline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: State‐level laws governing recess policies vary widely across the United States. We characterize the presence of such laws and assess their associations with child‐level outcomes. Methods: The presence of a state recess law was determined using the Classification of Laws Associated with School Students (CLASS) database. Parents of 6‐ to 11‐year‐old children reported physical activity, overall health, school absences, school‐related problems, and ability to make/keep friends as part of the National Survey of Children's Health (NSCH). Logistic regression was used to compare outcomes in states with and without recess laws cross‐sectionally in 2018 and between 2003 and 2011/2012 using a difference‐in‐differences analysis. Results: In 2018, 20 states had a law recommending or requiring recess. Cross‐sectionally, the odds of being physically active every day (odds ratio, 95% confidence interval: 2.8, 1.2‐6.5) and having no difficulty making or keeping friends (2.9, 1.2‐7.2) were significantly higher for children residing in states with versus without a recess law. There were no significant associations in the difference‐in‐differences model. Conclusions: Significant cross‐sectional associations in 2018 were not confirmed by a difference‐in‐differences analysis of two waves of the NSCH. Short follow‐up time and the apparent weakness of existing state laws warrant further assessment of state‐level recess law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intersectional analyses are increasingly common in sociology; however, analyses of voting tend to focus on only race, class, or gender, using the others as control variables. We assess whether and how race, class, and gender intersect to produce distinct patterns of voter engagement in presidential elections 2008–2016. Per existing research, we find income strongly predicts White voting. However, the class gap in voting is not statistically significant among Black voters. In contrast to common characterizations of Black people as politically disengaged, lower income Black citizens are more likely to vote than their White counterparts. Moreover, the lowest earning Black women vote at dramatically higher rates than any other race-gender combination in this income group. These findings call into question the perceived universality of the income gap in voting and widespread claims that more resources directly facilitate voting. They also have implications for our understanding of political participation, social inequality, and democratic citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Attention to the American carceral state has focused largely on its bookends: policing and sentencing. Between these bookends lies an underresearched but far-reaching "shadow" carceral state, a hybrid of criminal and commercial systems that often contravenes the principles of liberty, due process, and equal protection. Pretrial detention is an iconic example. It accounts for the majority of people in local jails on a given day. Up to half of detainees will not be convicted, yet detention often lasts months and triggers significant losses. Most are detained because they are too poor to pay bail, and they are disproportionately Black. How does this widespread punitive, arbitrary, and unequal experience affect political behavior? Using administrative records and as-if random assignment of bail magistrates, we find that pretrial incarceration substantially decreases voting among Black Americans. These results point to the neglected but important shadow carceral state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the presentation of caste systems of stratification in U.S. introductory sociology textbooks. First, the "caste versus class" debate from the 1930s and 1940s is summarized and its competing perspectives are evaluated. Second, after an in-depth analysis of introductory sociology textbooks presenting material on the subject, evidence is presented that (1) the majority of texts present a discussion on social stratification in the United States that is often misleading and inaccurate and (2) none of the textbooks go as far as to present the current system of stratification in U.S. society as caste. In fact, evidence suggests a kind of systematic reluctance exists among the authors to associate caste with U.S. society. The benefits of changing the way we as sociologists think about and teach social stratification, as well as the consequences for continuing the status quo, are addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Older people have been overlooked in recent debates over the relationship between age, class and culture despite their prevalence and the conceptual questions they raise. Seeking to bridge mainstream class analysis with debates in social gerontology, especially via a shared turn to Pierre Bourdieu's relational sociology, this paper draws on survey data from the US to examine not only the class position of older people but their internal social and cultural differentiation. I use geometric data analysis to construct a model of the class system, locate older people within it and then explore differences among older people. I then proceed to compare the cultural symbolisations of social positions among older people to those of the larger sample. The core structures of social and cultural differentiation among older people are roughly homologous with those of the broader sample, but there are also notable differences and even inversions pointing toward the specificity - and autonomy - of ageing as a principle of difference and practice., (© 2024 The Author(s). The British Journal of Sociology published by John Wiley & Sons Ltd on behalf of London School of Economics and Political Science.)

Background: The current United States presidential administration's statements and policies have, in a shockingly short time, catastrophically affected people of color and LGBTQIAþcommunities. And although these numerous discriminatory policies and policy revisions have negatively affected both US people of color and LGBTQIAþpeople, trans women of color have been disproportionately affected. Even more specifically, when focusing on vulnerability to violence--including murder--it is Black trans women who are most directly affected by the intersections of transphobia and racism in the US. This article explores a Black trans woman's experiences with mental health professionals across two decades and different regions of the US. Aims: This article argues for the necessity of understanding trans people's mental health experiences as necessarily intersectional, in order to more fully appreciate and address the degrees to which factors such as race, socioeconomic class, and geographic context matter in trans people's efforts to access ethical and effective mental healthcare. Methods: Using a theoretical framework informed by Kimberlé Crenshaw's single-axis concept, the authors fully center Aryah's intersectional experiences and counter a single-axis in exploring trans mental health issues, our article relies on a narrative-based approach. As narrative inquiry is a broad field, we selected Butler-Kisber's narrative analytic approach, "Starting with the Story" as our method. The narratives are pulled from approximately 10 intensive qualitative interviews over the course of several months. Discussion: These narratives disrupt the common threads in the literature that ignore the degrees to which race and class matter alongside being a trans woman. In addition, as we noted that nearly all of the mental health literature relied on large-scale survey-based data, this article offers a qualitative narrative exploration of Aryah's experiences and works to humanize trans mental health challenges and needs, while emphasizing the multilayered oppressions and obstacles that affected Aryah. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this narrative inquiry was to re-story the experiences of a first-year music teacher with regard to race and class. Johny was a first-year high school guitar teacher in the southwestern United States who identified as Hispanic and was raised in a family with a lower income. He was also a first-generation college student whose path to university study was atypical because of his major instrument, musical background, little high school music class participation, and entrance to postsecondary music study at a community college. Johny's story is a work of critical storytelling and is interpreted through an intersectional framework. His story compels us to thoughtfully attend to curriculum, musical knowledge, equity, and how music educators can serve an increasingly diverse student population in schools of music. Issues for consideration include (a) increased support of nontraditional students, including those from marginalized populations, such as students with lower incomes, first-generation students, and community college transfer students, and (b) promoting meaningful and collaborative change across multiple areas in schools of music. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We used data from the 2019 National Lawful Use of Guns Survey to segment the gun-owning population into different subcultural categories. Performing a latent class analysis, we introduce six types of indicators: (1) the types of firearm owned, (2) the reported primary reason for owning a firearm, (3) involvement in various gun-related activities, (4) Second Amendment activism, (5) the extent to which those in one's social network own guns, and (6) measures of symbolic meanings attached to firearms. We introduce gender, race, U.S. region, and political affiliation as covariates. We find six classes of gun owners. The largest group (28 percent) is composed of family protectors who go to the shooting range and feel empowered by their guns. The second largest category (19 percent) is made up of incidental gun owners motivated by protection or family tradition. The third group (18 percent) consists of Second Amendment activists who engage in multiple gun-related activities and are resistant to social change. The fourth category (13 percent) contains target shooters. The fifth group (12 percent) is made up of hunters. The sixth category (11 percent), self-protectors, has a majority of women (51 percent). Our findings add to a very recent body of literature on variations in the meanings that guns have for people. In particular, we demonstrate that there are stark cultural differences between gun owners and that the body of existing research on this topic has mostly focused on the Second Amendment activists, who only represent about 18 percent of all gun owners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the Children of Immigrants Longitudinal Study to examine the effects of race, class and gender on the intermarriage of Cuban and Afro-Caribbean second-generation immigrants in the United States. Results indicate that gender and racial identity are significantly related to intermarriage for this group of immigrants. Interestingly, the immigrants' socioeconomic status and family's social class have a very minimal impact on intermarriage. Using Cuban white, Cuban Hispanic and Caribbean black as racial categories, the study shows that Caribbean black men are the least likely group to intermarry, and Cuban white men are the most likely to intermarry. Cuban Hispanic men are less likely to intermarry compared to their Cuban white counterparts. Lastly, Cuban white women are the most likely to intermarrycompared to Cuban white males for this sample population. A structural explanation for these patterns posits that differences in the relative size of each racial group in marriage markets affect their chances for intermarriage. From an assimilation perspective, the literature also suggests that differences in social distance with whites influence the propensity for co-ethnic intermarriage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines a specific set of literary texts, both in English and Chinese, produced by a few Chinatown leaders and some Chinese writers as they protested against the anti-Chinese sentiments and the Chinese Exclusion Act in the second half of the nineteenth century and the first decade of the twentieth century. Those Chinese-authored texts resisted the homogenizing view of the Chinese people by the Westerners, advocating a cosmopolitan class above race, and used commercial amity to assert the Chinese people's cosmopolitan right. The moral compass of the Chinese merchants in those literary stories also puts forward an alternative model of global capitalism that evolved from the traditional Chinese idea of tianxia. Reading these texts can help us build a more historicized view of Chineseness and the Chinese worldview prior to the rise of state-centered nationalisms in modern China, on the one hand, and understand the epistemological framework and limit of modern nationalisms, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing visibility of Afro-Latinxs in the United States has catalyzed interest among researchers about this group's unique experiences of racialization. However, much less attention has been given to the relationship between Afro-Latinx identity formation and perceptions and/or participation in social movements. Drawing on web-based survey data with 115 Afro-Latinxs, we examine how Afro-Latinxs view the Black Lives Matter Movement with a focus on the extent to which they perceive that this explicitly anti-racist movement is relevant to their own lives. We theoretically ground our analysis in research related to collective identity and group consciousness to explore how Afro-Latinxs' unique understanding of their ethno-racial identity and group position impacts their participation in the movement. We find that overwhelmingly Afro-Latinx respondents believe they should participate in Black Lives Matter, but how they articulate their support sheds light on the diverse ways they position themselves vis-à-vis other Black-identified groups in the racial hierarchy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Characterizing subcultural models of tap water derived from interviews from 154 respondents in four neighbourhoods in the urban Southwestern United States, we identify sources of public discourses that support and anticipate passive elite capture. In accord with predictions, social devaluation of those who use tap water is situated with residents of a privileged exclusive community sector. This suggests the value of a broader conceptualization and an empirical model of elite capture in water resources: not just as a physical deviation of resources, but also as a discursive devaluation of public resources by specifically elite populations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this essay, we offer a comparative analysis of women service workers in early cinema in Britain and the United States from the 1910s to the 1930s. Although this period has been the subject of much important scholarship in film history over the past several decades, women's experiences as box office attendants, cashiers, cigarette girls, purveyors of ice cream and sweets, and especially as usherettes, constitute an under-researched field. Tracing the narratives surrounding women's work in a wide variety of capacities in early cinema auditoriums can illuminate much about how women were perceived as employees and sexualized as objects of the gaze of male patrons, while, at the same time, acting as spectators and mediators with a privileged perspective on both the screen and the audience. In pursuing this line of inquiry, we draw not only on existing scholarship, but also on our own original research on industry journals, girls' and women's popular magazines, star and fan culture, and changing conditions for women's labor and leisure in the interwar period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely reported that the US criminal justice system is systematically biased in regard to criminal adjudication based on race and class. Specifically, there is concern that Black and Latino defendants as well as poorer defendants receive harsher sentences than Whites or Asians or wealthier defendants. We tested this in a meta-analytic review of 51 studies including 120 effect sizes. Several databases in psychology, criminal justice and medicine were searched for relevant articles. Overall results suggested that neither class nor race biases for criminal adjudications for either violent or property crimes could be reliably detected. For all crimes, effect sizes (in terms of r) for Black vs White comparisons were.054, for Latinos vs Whites, 0.057 and for Asians vs Whites −0.028. There was significant heterogeneity between studies, particularly for Asian vs White comparisons. Effect sizes were smaller than our evidentiary threshold, indicating they are indistinguishable from statistical noise. For drug crimes, evidentiary standards were met, although effect sizes were very small. Better quality studies were less likely to produce results supportive of disparities. Studies with citation bias produced higher effect sizes than did studies without citation bias suggesting that researcher expectancy effects may be driving some outcomes in this field, resulting in an overestimation of true effects. Taken together, these results do not support beliefs that the US criminal justice system is systemically biased at current. Negativity bias and the overinterpretation of statistically significant "noise" from large sample studies appear to have allowed the perception or bias to be maintained among scholars, despite a weak evidentiary base. Suggestions for improvement in this field are offered. Narratives of "systemic racism" as relates to the criminal justice system do not appear to be a constructive framework from which to understand this nuanced issue. • It is commonly believed ethnicity predicts criminal justice outcomes in the US. • For most crimes, evidence for racial disparities is weak. • Very small disparities appear to persist for drug crimes only. • Academia has often worryingly overstated the evidence for racial disparities in the US criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The structure of this intervention is deliberately schizo-analytic: "and then—," and "then—." They are preparatory notes for a webinar by Transform! Europe on the COVID, arranged before the global explosion of Black Lives Matter. I question the top-down philanthropy of the bourgeois Left. I take the Rohingyas as bottom-line victims. I speak from two hometowns—Calcutta and New York. I ask the bourgeois Euro-U.S. Left not to monolithize the Global South. Many examples of how "India" is constructed are given. From New York, the United States is declared a failed state. Trump's delinquencies are mentioned. It is argued that the only remedy at present is human behaviour and the typical U.S. character is not ready to practice this. This empirical fact shows the failure of the Kantian Sublime and reminds us that Kant thinks that the human moral will comes in to protect us from a hugely frightening natural phenomenon only by "subreption," the same impulse that says that following steps provided by institutional religion will absolve us. Class and caste are taken into consideration throughout. I mention that as a coronavirus convalescent, I am donating plasma regularly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Consumer academic Rory Randall interviewed sociologist Neil Gong about his research on social class and mental health care in the United States. They discuss Neil's analysis of the differing models of client choice and freedom in public safety-net services and in elite private clinics, and what this means for service users. They also discuss Neil's political writings on psychiatric deinstitutionalisation and the lessons that history holds for movements to reform or abolish police and prison systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many scholars paint a somber picture of the political status of racially and economically marginalized groups in the United States. In particular, seminal studies on cities—places where race and class strikingly intersect—emphasize economic and political elites as primary drivers of urban politics, underscoring the disempowerment of those at the margins. This article offers a different, theoretically instructive perspective. Through a qualitative analysis of two major expansions of the legal right to counsel in civil courts, I describe political processes that afforded race–class subjugated communities pivotal influence over urban policy. I demonstrate how groups that many theories of political science do not expect to have substantive political influence, nonetheless profoundly shaped the course of urban policy development in the civil legal domain. I find an especially crucial role for membership-driven local organizations focused on building equitable community power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the fall of 1888, Willie Windle was the fastest amateur bicyclist in the US, having won all the major tournaments that season, including the annual championship races of the League of American Wheelmen (LAW). He was also one of the most popular racers in the country. As soon as he reached the pinnacle of the racing world, however, he was forced to spend the next two years fighting simply to remain part of it, repeatedly having to defend himself against charges of violating LAW's strict "amateur rule." LAW's enforcement of its amateur rule may have quashed the racing careers of many cyclists, but Windle, the biggest name to be caught up in a professionalism scandal at that time, refused to go away, nor would his fans allow it. LAW wrestled with variations of its amateur rule for years, ostensibly in an attempt to keep cycling free of the stigma of professionalism. This article examines the underlying issues of class and status at play in these debates, using Windle's experiences as a case study for understanding social mobility, exclusion, and how the "leisure class" policed its boundaries in the late-nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses qualitative data from children and parents to explore how children's food practices in Mexican migrant households vary by social class in the United States. Irrespective of social class, children and parents expressed similar values associated with Mexican food, perceptions of unhealthy "American" diets, and difficulties in incorporating Mexican food practices into their diets. However, we show parents in working-class families to exert less control over children's food practices than those in middle-class families. Experiences of families whose social class changed with migration suggest that resources and social class identity post-migration likely shape children's food practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With opioid use and overdose rates continuing to plague minority communities in the U.S., we explored whether a geographic community's racial composition and social class affect how opioid use in the community is stigmatized and what policy preferences arise in response. We use case vignettes in a randomized, between-subjects study (N = 1478) with a nation-wide survey. The vignettes describe a community where opioids are harmfully used, varying whether the community was (1) wealthy or poor, (2) predominantly Black or White and (3) facing prevalent use of painkillers or heroin. We tested how these variables affect public stigmatization of opioid use (measured with ratings of responsibility, dangerousness, sympathy, concern, anger, and disappointment) preferred levels of social distance from communities with opioid use (measured with responses to questions about living, working, and interacting in the community), and policy preferences for responding to opioid use (measured with levels of support for providing a safe-consumption site in the community, treating drug use in the community punitively, treating drug use in the community as an illness, and funding drug treatment in the community through income redistribution). Compared to wealthy communities with opioid use, poor communities with opioid use were less stigmatized in terms of responsibility, sympathy, concern, anger, and disappointment; they were also met with less support for punitiveness, more support for treating drug use as an illness, and preferences for greater social distance. Compared to White communities with opioid use, Black communities with opioid use were less stigmatized in terms of responsibility, and they were met with stronger preferences to not live and work there and with reduced support for using income redistribution to provide drug treatment for people in the community. Poor-Black communities with opioid use were also perceived to be more dangerous than both poor-White and wealthy-Black communities with opioid use. These results point to class- and race-based territorial stigma affecting how communities with opioid use are judged and whether policies for providing communities with treatment are supported. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Establish the validity and reliability of a measure of rider-to-rider discriminatory attitude. • Examine associations between such attitude and four aspects of ridesharing behavior. • Survey Uber and Lyft users (N = 2041) in the United States in 2016 and 2018. • Such attitudes reduce satisfaction with the ridesharing service. • Such attitudes may persistently discourage sharing. Using online survey data from N = 2041 Uber and Lyft users in the United States collected in 2016 and 2018, this paper establishes the validity, reliability, and invariance of a measure of rider-to-rider race and social class discrimination. This measure is then incorporated into three structural models that investigate associations between rider-to-rider discriminatory attitudes and four aspects of ridesharing behavior. We find no significant relationship between rider-to-rider discriminatory attitudes and whether a TNC user has ever used a ridesharing service (such as uberPOOL or Lyft Line). However, among those who have used ridesharing services before, rider-to-rider discriminatory attitudes are strongly negatively predictive of an individual's level of satisfaction with the sharing option, and marginally negatively predictive of an individual's percentage of shared TNC trips. Furthermore, among those who have not yet used ridesharing services, rider-to-rider discriminatory attitudes are strongly negatively predictive of willingness to consider using uberPOOL or Lyft Line in the future. Together, these findings suggest that rider-to-rider discriminatory attitudes may discourage sustained and frequent use of ridesharing services among TNC users. Further research is required to identify strategies for addressing discriminatory attitudes in the ridesharing context and overcoming reluctance to sharing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stratification and inequality are among the most central concepts in sociology, and although related, they are fundamentally distinct: inequality refers to the extent to which resources are distributed unevenly across individuals or between population subgroups, whereas stratification refers to the extent to which population subgroups occupy distinct hierarchical layers within an overall resource distribution. Despite the centrality of stratification in theories of class structure, prior empirical studies have focused exclusively on measures of inequality, which do not accurately capture the degree of class stratification and suffer from a variety of methodological limitations. In this paper, we employ a novel rank-based index of stratification to measure the degree to which occupational classes inhabit distinct, non-overlapping, and hierarchically arranged layers in the distribution of personal market income. The stratification index is nonparametric, both scale and translation invariant, and independent of the level of inequality. Based on this index, our results show that the US income distribution is highly stratified by occupational class and that the degree of class stratification increased substantially from 1980 to 2016. Moreover, we find that this trend is almost entirely due to growing stratification among aggregate occupational classes rather than among the disaggregate occupations nested within them. Finally, a set of counterfactual analyses indicate that the rise of occupational class stratification is driven by increases in the income returns to education, deunionization, and deindustrialization, although the relative importance of these factors varies by gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines unpaid work within urban agriculture sites. It focuses on the extra work—the surplus labor—that is performed to sustain these sites and how this work relates to subject formation. Land access and subjectivities are widely discussed in the urban agriculture literature, particularly in the Global North, but recent research has also identified the continual supply of labor as a crucial issue as well. However, work dynamics of urban agriculture have seldom been the object of analysis, and little is known about the relationship between unpaid urban agriculture work and subjectivity. I argue that surplus labor is useful for analysis because of the surplus value that is produced through urban agriculture. I draw on the theoretical framework of diverse economies to examine surplus labor through an antiessentialist form of class analysis. A case study from New Jersey, USA, is based on two years of participant observation and forty-eight interviews in twenty cities. The case study reveals how surplus labor is performed, the techniques used to appropriate and distribute surplus labor, the subject formation that occurs through this surplus labor, and models of surplus food distribution that emerge from the juncture of surplus and subjectivity. Conclusions point to contested work practices and the embodied experience of surplus production as keys to subject formation. More broadly, it sheds light on the processes through which surplus labor is performed in unpaid informal forms of enterprise and the role that subject formation plays in that labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The historical articulation of whiteness as a narrative of white victimhood was neither inevitable nor articulated primarily by working-class actors. That ideology emerged as an expression not of the intrinsic racism of working-class men and women, but as a discourse about them engineered by slaveholders and their political allies on both sides of the Atlantic during the 1850s. White victimhood emerged in response to the radicalism of labor abolition, the effort to eradicate both chattel slavery and the injustices of factory work and political disfranchisement simultaneously. At their most radical, labor abolitionists demanded voting rights for all citizens and an end to the trafficking of both people and the commons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Psychoanalysis and homosexuality in the United States were both largely in flux between 1910 and 1935. This article sheds light on this unique historical moment by first exploring scholarly discussions of the era's psychoanalysis and homosexuality, both of which emphasized the transitional nature of therapy and sexuality. By putting two bodies of scholarship into conversation, I also suggest how the historiography might move beyond two oft-cited arguments—that the psychoanalysis of the era had the power to form a person's sexual identity negatively, and that sexual minorities formed their identities affirmatively by staying away from medical interventions. I argue that, instead, psychoanalysis was part of modern sexual identity-formation in surprisingly open-ended ways. The second half of the article continues to explore the interplay between therapy and sexuality by closely examining clinical practices at one of the leading mental hospitals of the era: Sheppard and Enoch Pratt Hospital in Towson, Maryland, where an eclectic mode of psychotherapy was actively employed to treat homosexuality. In particular, the work of Harry Stack Sullivan (1892-1949), a gay psychiatrist well-known for his interpersonal theory of mental illness, shows how male patients who experienced same-sex sexual relationships nurtured productive interdependency among men in their articulation of sexual identity. By carefully delineating this process, the article shows how analytic practices could, and sometimes did, offer a crucial space for self-reflection and articulation of male sexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the United States, attending a selective liberal arts college is often a sign of success. Human capital theory assumes graduates from these colleges share similar outcomes, in terms of employment and further education. This article reports, findings from a national (US) survey of liberal arts college students who graduated between 2012 and 2014. It finds significant differences in the immediate post-graduation outcomes of students based on family background. Using a Bourdieusian lens of capitals and habitus, the article links these different outcomes to differential experiences while in college, expectations, and parental resources. As in the public sector, classed pathways operate to produce differential outcomes for students of small liberal arts colleges. The article also demonstrates the continuing role of family-based material resources after graduation, and how these are used to differentiate students even when holding similar amounts of social and cultural capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the summer of 2020 America erupted in rage, protesting racism and age‐old inequalities. In the summer of rage, American churches will find their voice in an ancient creed preserved in Galatians 3:26‐28, arguably the first Christian creed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussions of urban representation have been hampered by a persistent contrast between the view from above and the view from street level, or between the urban planner's panoptic gaze and the flâneur's fleeting glance. This article challenges such contrasts by identifying a third way of representing a city, that of moving block-by-block along the length of its main thoroughfare. It traces the emergence of what it calls the "longitudinal view" back to antebellum New York, when tour guides and urban sketches promoted the "walk up Broadway" as a means to encompass the social and functional diversity of the expanding metropolis, and when visual genres such as the moving panorama and the pictorial directory offered a virtual simulation of that journey--one that echoed the perpendicular perspective of an omnibus passenger. It concludes by exploring the subsequent appropriation of the longitudinal view by artists, photographers, and filmmakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Schoolteacher Maritcha Lyons was among the pioneering African American women who, in 1892, built one of the first women's rights and racial justice organizations in the United States, the Woman's Loyal Union of New York and Brooklyn (WLU). The WLU is recognized for its antilynching work in alliance with Ida B. Wells, and as an organizational springboard to the National Association of Colored Women. This essay examines struggles on "the color line" by Lyons, other WLU members, and women educators, through their community's engagement in 1880s and 1890s Brooklyn and New York contention over school integration, and a 1903 debate on the founding of the Brooklyn Colored Young Women's Christian Association. These women's and their community's battles against segregation and for separate institutions reveal lesser known aspects of WLU women's activism, and the complexities of urban racism and Black resistance in the "Progressive Era" that witnessed Reconstruction's dismantling, lynching, and "Jim Crow". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite widespread perceptions of elite US sport as meritocratic, there is little empirical research on the social origins of those who play college and professional sports in the US or how these vary by race. We use the case of American football, linking Entertainment and Sports Programming Network's national recruit rankings data on incoming college football players from 2007-2016 (N=929) with 2000 US Census data. Our study compares hometown socioeconomic and demographic indicators for black and white college athletes and then for those drafted into the National Football League. Findings show that the socioeconomic and demographic profiles of the hometowns producing elite football athletes vary by both athlete race and draft status. Black draftees come from denser, more socioeconomically disadvantaged and blacker hometowns than black non-drafted athletes, while white draftees come from less socioeconomically disadvantaged hometowns than white non-drafted athletes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Lin-Manuel Miranda’s In the Heights (2008) and Hamilton (2015) find their inspiration in a generative conflict between individualism and community, freedom and property, whiteness and blackness, and empathy and complicity. The contradictory thematic pressures organizing Miranda’s musicals are the product of a complex negotiation with the institution of Broadway and its historic (mis)representation of people of colour. The musicals ambivalently balance a counter-narrative to a history of stereotype on the Broadway stage with the goal of convincing the predominantly white, highly educated tourists in attendance that the other is one of us. The musicals showcase different sets of Others and therefore have divergent goals in educating the audience, with In the Heights focused on countering stereotypes of Latinx criminality and Hamilton on affirming the immigrant’s centrality to the American nation. Nevertheless, both musicals display an ambivalence about the efficacy of the affective strategies used to educate the spectator. The stories of In the Heights and Hamilton share an investment in private property as a defining facet of the American Dream and, by extension, national belonging. At the same time, both musicals are fractured by an anxiety about the terms of such belonging, namely, who is silenced or excluded. The themes of acquisition and dispossession in terms of property ownership are fractured by the constant plea for forgiveness, for who gets sacrificed by the purportedly free market in order to facilitate the upward mobility of the rest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Academic quantitative population health scientists (AQPHS) in the United States care for populations with an ostensibly apolitical set of quantitative methods. This quantitative care has three interconnected components: AQPHS care about populations, they care for their data sets and models, and they care with these models’ outputs. In the process their ideals of objectivity compete with, and enable, a moral ideal of political advocacy. Slipping between knowledge and intervention, the “real” and the imagined, and individuals and populations, AQPHS produce knowledge that they hope will change public narratives about marginalized populations. In doing so they draw on ideal types, converting quantitative findings about populations into speculation about individual behavior. AQPHS’ ideal types both precede and tautologically reemerge from their science. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The comment considers the article by Durrenberger and Doukas as part of a broader field of research focused on class relationships. It points to identify key theoretical and epistemological topics emerging from recent theoretical discussions, retrieving some Latin American labor anthropology and labor history insights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay surveys the degree to which racism has been a dominant theme -indeed, often the single most important theme - of all American history. It shaped the Constitution, dominated Congressional and judicial controversies during the first six decades of the 19th century, and then continued to shape the country's politics, economy, and social structure all the way through the present. This essay also emphasizes the degree to which black resistance of racism was a constant, taking on different forms depending on the politics and culture of the times, but always present. It discusses the emergence of the modern civil rights movement in the years after World War II, but argues that, notwithstanding the legislative and judicial gains made as a result of that movement, racism remains a central and structural reality in America to this day, most notably visible in the mass incarceration of blacks and the economic and social inequalities that continue to be pervasive in contemporary America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite its dependence on military investment, large segments of the Sunbelt have always expressed ambivalence toward military housing. From 1941 to 1973, real estate interests served as the primary resistance to the construction of military housing; however, during the 1970s, due to economic changes, tax revolts, New Right fiscal and social policies, and the transformation to the all-volunteer force (AVF), opposition to military housing transferred from real estate interests to homeowners. From 1979 to 1990, the Navy’s attempt to construct military family housing in San Diego encountered angry homeowners who resented the tax exempt status of housing and accused military households of overburdening school infrastructure, reducing property values, and spreading social dysfunction. Demographic changes resulting from the AVF yielded more families and greater ethnic and racial diversity, which failed to align with suburban norms and thereby marginalized service households socially and politically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of the peanut butter and jelly sandwich and its potential decline illustrate major themes in recent U.S. history. The growing popularity of the PB&J in the twentieth century reflected changing family structures and child-rearing practices as well as the evolution of food production and consumption. From the 1950s to the 1990s, the PB&J symbolized how much parents (particularly mothers) cared about their children. However, health concerns eventually tarnished the sandwich's iconic image. This article argues that the PB&J became an iconic dish by bridging social divisions based on age, gender, and income levels in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Problem, research strategy, and findings: In this study I investigate whether zoning has traditionally protected communities of color from the dangers of heavy commercial and industrial use to the extent that it has protected White communities. I evaluate whether upzonings—changes from less intensive uses to more intensive heavy commercial and industrial uses—disproportionately occurred in African-American and low-income neighborhoods in Durham (NC) from 1945 to 2014, and I evaluate the comparative impact of downzonings. I use the contemporary demographics of the census tracts where these rezonings occurred and qualitative evidence from public hearings, plans, and other relevant primary materials. I find that before 1985, the pattern of rezonings in Durham had negative implications for African-American areas in particular. Environmental justice efforts in the 1980s, followed by gentrification, caused the city’s planners and local elected officials to change course. Takeaway for practice: Planners have an ethical obligation to promote equity, and their ability to do so depends on understanding sources of social injustice. In Durham, race historically played a role in upzonings and downzonings involving heavy commercial and industrial uses. The city also demonstrates that planners and local elected officials can successfully intervene to end disparities in zoning practice across communities of different racial characteristics. Assessing past zoning practices in other cities may reveal similar records of bias and help planners to present cases for corrective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Class is an issue rarely foregrounded in advertising criticism, although the emphasis on consumption and commodity-defined images of the good life frequently makes advertising a class-oriented discourse. The degree and manner that advertising contains overt symbols and discussions of class may be influenced by the particular era in which a campaign appears. This article argues that several "postrecession" U.S. campaigns including for Buick, Allstate, and DirecTV make class comparisons explicit, as seen in ''class shaming'' strategies such as a ridicule of service workers, presenting the wealthy as victimized by the working class, and ''lower-classface'' performances that contrast class-based lifestyles. In such ads, representations of the working class are equated with losers, incompetents, and non-brand users in the ads, while affluent users and opulent lifestyles are celebrated. Final reflections focus on the ideological implications of more obvious depictions of class in current and future advertising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two schools have dominated environmental justice literature: the race school and the class school. The class school tends to explain cases of environmental injustice exclusively from the vantage point of socioeconomic differences. The race school, however, foregrounds racism as an explanatory framework, while still acknowledging the relative role of class in this regard. Both schools tend to base their analyses primarily upon research findings from empirical/geographical studies. This paper joins its voice with the recently growing body of literature that has started to call for the need to transcend this cumbersome race-class dichotomy and move beyond the mundane pattern of case studies research and statistical data gathering. Specifically, it propounds a theory of spa-cial formation that illuminates the parallel processes of spatial discrimination and racial subjugation, stresses the historical contingency of environmental racism, and highlights the role of the various cultural images, representations and meanings attached to black geographies in laying the moral and ideational foundations facilitating the process of spatial and environmental discrimination against African Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On May 14, 2014, three white Boston city councilors refused to vote to approve a resolution honoring the sixtieth anniversary of Brown v. the Board of Education because, as one remarked, "I didn't want to get into a debate regarding forced busing in Boston." Against the recent national proliferation of celebrations of civil rights milestones and legislation, the controversy surrounding the fortieth anniversary of the court decision that mandated busing to desegregate Boston public schools speaks volumes about the historical memory of Boston's civil rights movement. Two highly acclaimed contemporary works of children's literature set during or inspired by Boston's desegregation busing plan reflect and respond to the ongoing battle over the history and memory of Boston's civil rights movement and its enduring racial legacy: Busing Brewster, an illustrated children's book for young readers, written by Richard Michelson and illustrated by R. G. Roth; and Gold Dust, a middle-grade novel for adolescents by Chris Lynch. Both works offer representations of an overtly racist past, produced in a historical moment when prevailing ideologies of color blindness and postracialism suggest not only that racism is passe, but that any attempt to redress past racism that takes race into account is itself racist and unjust. Busing Brewster and Gold Dust offer equivocal reflections on urban decline and racial transformations at the turn of the twenty-first century. Both works have as much to tell us about the historical memory of Boston's desegregation efforts as they do about contemporary understandings of race and social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building upon the finding that the term “artisan” is a floating signifier in contemporary US chocolate marketing, this paper suggests that “artisan” functions similarly to brands for craft chocolate. This function is specific to the US post-Fordist creative economy and the rise of craft chocolate since 1997. Based on textual analysis of craft chocolate websites and packaging; comparisons between historical and contemporary uses of “artisan”; and results of a consumer survey on meanings of the term, this paper demonstrates that “artisan” has shifted away from denoting a labor class. Instead, it now suggests a community of producers and consumers who perceive shared priorities for this value chain. In this market reframing, “artisan” as a brand word has opened up new possibilities for value addition for chocolate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]