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How do we make sense of the ways in which COVID-19 has developed and been responded to in the United States? How can nondeterminist class analysis help us to understand why the pandemic has impacted the United States so severely compared to other nations? What do these policies and experiences reveal about current capitalist economic and social relations within the United States today? Are there possibilities for interventions through a nonessentialist Marxist analysis and understanding? On a beautiful June afternoon, Rethinking Marxism coeditor Vin Lyon-Callo discussed these questions via zoom with his former professor, long-term RM board member, and host of the quite popular public intervention Economic Update, Richard Wolff (lightly edited for content and clarity). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes critically the most recent scientific bibliography on the causes of the growth of mortality and morbidity in the white working class of the United States. The methodology used in these studies, and also the insufficient conceptualization of the variables used (such as social class), limits the understanding of the increment of the "diseases of despair" in that sector of the population. This article emphasizes the need to analyze the evolution of the social classes in the United States, and the political determinants that have changed not only the character and composition of that class, but also the power differentials between this class and other classes in the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is argued in this article that social psychology would make the greatest contribution to research on class identity if it concentrated on the area closest to psychology-analysis of class consciousness. In order to show that the study of the psyche and mentality of the middle class is one of the least researched aspects of the American middle class, a brief overview of the different approaches to the study of the middle class in selected disciplines will be offered. It will be demonstrated that even if the identity of the U.S. middle class cannot be fully understood without its history and the social context in which it operates, it is the study of its (un)consciousness that social psychology should be focusing its research efforts on. The alternative would make social psychology indistinguishable from social history or sociology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large percentage of the students who drop out of K–12 schools in the United States do so at the end of high school, at some point after grade 10. Yet little is known about the differences between types of students who drop out near the end of high school. The purpose of this study is to examine a typology of high school dropouts from a large nationally representative dataset (ELS:2002) using latent class analysis (LCA). We found three significantly different types of dropouts; Quiet, Jaded, and Involved. Based on this typology of three subgroups, we discuss implications for future dropout intervention research, policy, and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses the U.S. Supreme Court case Roe v. Wade, which includes action related to the issue of abortion. She suggests an additional inquiry focusing on implications of abortion and its relation to social, political and cultural conflicts both before and after Roe. She reflects race and class as important aspects of the development of the U.S. narrative on abortion.

The current deterioration of America's middle class will test the ability of the social work profession to take the concept of class seriously and sharpen our understanding of the maldistribution of wealth as a form of oppression. The effort requires identifying and discrediting prevailing ideologies in both the popular culture and our profession. The middle-class crisis provides the opportunity to devise innovative coalitions of working-class and middle-class Americans. Recent efforts may point the way for social workers to help catalyze such movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay critiques contemporary imperial theorizing for its economic reductionism and lack of institutional specificity of the imperial state, and posits the centrality of class analysis. The study proceeds to emphasize how specific class alignments in emerging countries interacting with imperial configurations can overcome underdevelopment and proceed to world power. In the final section the study points to the changes and continuities in US imperial relations with Latin America and the potentialities and constraints on further growth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to this issue's symposium examines two concurrent conversations: one within a group of immigrant worker cooperatives dispersed across the United States in the run-up to the United States Social Forum (USSF), and the second within the Association for Economic and Social Analysis (AESA) on the connections between worker cooperatives and class. Are worker cooperatives firms where workers collectively produce, appropriate, and distribute surplus value? What other conditions outside the firm are required for a generalized communism? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is written in response to the article "Obama and the Politics of Blackness: Antiracism in the 'post-black' Conjuncture" by Ben Pitcher, also published in the issue. The article discusses the racial aspects of the 2008 election of U.S. President Barack Obama. The author is critical of the view of many white Americans that the U.S. has entered into a post-racial society merely for electing an African American president. The economic conditions of African Americans following the 2008 recession are described. Obama's relationship to the African American community is discussed, along with his racial identity. African American class affiliations are outlined.

Abstract: This study characterized the extent and patterns of self-reported drug use among aging adults with and without HIV, assessed differences in patterns by HIV status, and examined pattern correlates. Data derived from 6351 HIV-infected and uninfected adults enrolled in an eight-site matched cohort, the Veterans Aging Cohort Study (VACS). Using clinical variables from electronic medical records and socio-demographics, drug use consequences, and frequency of drug use from baseline surveys, we performed latent class analyses (LCA) stratified by HIV status and adjusted for clinical and socio-demographic covariates. Participants were, on average, age 50 (range 22–86), primarily male (95%) and African-American (64%). Five distinct patterns emerged: non-users, past primarily marijuana users, past multidrug users, current high consequence multidrug users, and current low consequence primarily marijuana users. HIV status strongly influenced class membership. Non-users were most prevalent among HIV uninfected (36.4%) and current high consequence multidrug users (25.5%) were most prevalent among HIV-infected. While problems of obesity marked those not currently using drugs, current users experienced higher prevalences of medical or mental health disorders. Multimorbidity was highest among past and current multidrug users. HIV-infected participants were more likely than HIV-uninfected participants to be current low consequence primarily marijuana users. In this sample, active drug use and abuse were common. HIV-infected and uninfected Veterans differed on extent and patterns of drug use and on important characteristics within identified classes. Findings have the potential to inform screening and intervention efforts in aging drug users with and without HIV. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The American Legion was one of the most politically consequential organizations in the twentieth-century United States. It was a local bedrock of anti-communism in two post-war red scares and throughout the cold war. It also built a lavish and cross-nationally unique welfare state for American veterans. In this article, I examine the origins of the American Legion and demonstrate that it was organized by rentier capitalists acting in their intraclass and interclass interests. Most importantly, the Legion was an organization that fought the “battle over class” by denying the importance of class as a social concept and proposing “Americanism” as an alternative. I also argue that the Legion’s extreme anti-communism combined with its dedication to welfare provision for American veterans altered the course of American welfare state development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using Pierre Bourdieu's theories of social class differentiation and class reproduction, this paper provides an analysis of class- based identity politics in contemporary suburban America. Through a critical ethnography of the emergent, American, upper- middle-class "soccer mom" phenomenon, this study contributes to a growing body of research that interrogates class-based, cultural practices of status differentiation. As part of a larger, longitudinal ethnographic study, this paper specifically focuses on the ways in which women, who are driven by upper-middle-class habitus, contest and construct their identity as mothers of young, soccer- playing children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents abstracts on urban studies including one about domestic space in the mid-20th century in Turkey, collective homeownership in the U.S. and the politics of sate fair employment practices legislation in the North 1945-1964.

Wage inequality has increased dramatically in the United States since the 1980s. This article investigates the relationship between this trend and occupational structure measured at the three-digit level. Using the Current Population Survey from 1983 to 2002, we find that the direct association between occupations and wage inequality declined over this period as within-occupational inequality grew faster than between-occupational inequality. We estimate multilevel growth models using detailed occupational categories as the unit of analysis to assess how the characteristics of occupations affect changes in mean wages and levels of wage inequality across this time period. The results indicate that changes in mean wages across occupations vary depending on the characteristics of individuals in those occupations and that intra-occupational inequality is difficult to predict using conventional labor force data. These findings seem largely inconsistent with the common sociological view of occupation as the most fundamental feature of the labor market. Correspondingly, a more comprehensive approach—one that incorporates the effects of organizational variables and market processes on rising wage inequality in the New Economy—is warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Moore (1966) once argued that the American Civil War was a fundamentally "bourgeois" revolution. As such, Moore's account falls in line with much of the larger literature on democratization, which emphasizes the class dimensions of democratic expansions and transitions, but is largely silent on how party politics are implicated in those processes. Such approaches miss a great deal of the party, inter-elite and discursive dynamics that are crucial to understanding the origins and consequences of democratic change. This chapter seeks to discern the impact of mass party formation and political discourse on modern routes to democracy through an examination of mid-19th-century Chicago politics. It holds to Moore's conclusion that the American Civil War was indeed a bourgeois revolution, while demonstrating that the trajectory of party politics before, during and after the war challenges Moore's interpretation of how class forces were mobilized in the American case. Partisan shifts, for example, worked at turns to weaken and strengthen the rhetorical and organizational basis of working-class mobilization, suggesting that democratization and the class coalitions that give rise to it are shaped and re-shaped by the context of partisan struggle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the dimensions and dynamics of Latino-white residential segregation in micropolitan areas, newly defined urban clusters with a “core” population that ranges from 10,000 to 50,000. Studies of Latino-white segregation typically focus on metropolitan areas. We shift the focus to micropolitan areas given their growing importance as Latino destinations. Using the most recent census, we find both important opportunities and constraints are reflected in the patterns we uncover. With few exceptions, the level of segregation evident across our sample falls in the low to moderate range, highlighting the opportunities for spatial assimilation that Latinos secure when they settle in these areas rather than the largest urban centers. Consistent with spatial assimilation models, these opportunities are tied, at least in part, to class factors. In micropolitan areas, the Latino-white income gap is typically smaller and the homeownership rate is, on average, higher. Further, Latinos become less segregated from non-Hispanic whites with gains in SES. However, several findings also point to the continuing significance of race/ethnicity, consistent with growing concerns about “segmented assimilation.” Latinos in micropolitan areas with large Puerto Rican populations are much more segregated from whites than their counterparts in other areas. Intergroup segregation persists even after we control for social class and typically remains higher than intragroup segregation across a broader spectrum of cases. Most telling perhaps, white outmigration has occurred this past decade in nearly half of the areas we examine. These findings underscore the importance of broadening current debates about segregation and the “new American dilemma” to include micropolitan areas, as the complexities of Latino assimilation increasingly play out in these communities. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

There is much debate about the reach and seriousness of racial prejudice today. We ask: How do ordinary people come to view events as racist? Using an experiment, we investigate the effects of elite charges of racism on public perceptions of police conduct. We test several hypotheses, including discounting, expertise, and ingroup bias, pertaining to how public stereotypes moderate elite influence. We find that stereotypes matter, and that Democrats, Republicans, blacks, and whites cannot make claims about racism with equal success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his criticism of scholarly and public utilization of the term underclass, Herbert Gans helped to initiate new and more complex thinking about both the kinds of people that constitute America's most disenfranchised urban constituency and the ways in which more privileged Americans have striven to make sense of them. In forwarding his criticism of the term, Gans helped establish a template for ethnographic and qualitative explorations of America's urban poor that breaks with a rigid and vulgar social problems framing and, instead, invites more provocative and more accurate assessments of the agency of such people. In doing so, he has encouraged recent efforts to offer new framings of this population, which have facilitated new cultural projects in qualitative studies of the African American urban poor. This article briefly reviews Gans's criticism of the term underclass, and then elucidates how that criticism relates to some contemporary scholarly efforts to consider people who would be characterized as underclass as more complex cultural actors—and, indeed, who often are more complicated social beings—than is implied by the label underclass. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the lack of literature about the perspective of the lower middle class. The author analyses the work of Herbert Gans, the author of "Levittowners." Gans argues in "Levittowners" that lower middle class suburbanites are not a group living an academically meaningless existence, but simply focus on different objectives, such as home ownership. Gans also suggests that the lower middle class is not defined by consumerism, but uses it as a guard against a potential drop in social status. The work of Lewis Mumford, who rejected Gans' theories about the lower middle class, is also discussed. The author suggests that the values of the suburban lower middle class parallel those of the United States as a whole.

Using national survey data, multilevel modeling techniques, and descriptive statistics, this study makes an effort to understand the influence of the financial context of institutions on the chance of college completion for low socioeconomic status (SES) students at four-year colleges and universities. This research shows that college completion is positively associated with an institution’s tuition revenue as a percent of total revenue and educational and general expenditures per full-time equivalent student. This study also documents that, compared to high SES students, low SES students are disproportionately enrolled in institutions with lower levels of financial resources and higher dependence on tuition as a source of total revenue. The results of this research have implications for policy with regard to addressing the chances of college completion for low SES students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on New Working-Class studies in the United States. Focus on the lived experience and voices of working-class people; Analysis of the link between class and gender, race, ethnicity and place; Shaping of class by place; Provision of opportunities for conversation and collaboration among scholars, artists, activists and workers; Aim of advancing social and economic justice for working-class people.

Presents the author's views on the article "U.S. Women History," by Gerda Lerner. Traces of the approaches undertaken by early American women's and gender historians; Impact of revolutionary politics on gender ideologies; Participation of women in emerging class distinctions between themselves and their men.

The article discusses a group of British rebels in the mid-1600s led by British minister Thomas Venner, and opposition to the Protectorate ruling class in Great Britain. It examines the complaints of the rebels, particularly bodily expropriation and impressment, and how it reflected radical republican opposition to the Protectorate. It discusses the English revolution in the context of the larger Atlantic world and how the defeat of the so-called Leveller democracy in 1649 inspired radicals. The article discusses the radical experience in England and the U.S. and campaigns against expropriation in the 17th century.

The article discusses labor history in New England near the time of the U.S. revolution. The article examines the role of African American sailor Crispus Attucks during the Boston Massacre and what the author alleges was his disappearance from propaganda materials distributed by American rebel colonists such as Paul Revere. The author attempts to present Attucks as a symbol of working class people in New England during the revolutionary time period. The author analyzes the scholarship of labor historian Edward P. Thompson. The author also argues that issues such as subject, time, and space can be better understood if labor historians rethink the term proletariat.

Over the past decades, the financial investment of non-financial businesses has been rising, and the accumulation of capital goods has been declining. The first pan of the paper offers a novel theory to explain this phenomenon. Financialisation, the shareholder revolution and the development of a market for corporate control have shifted power to shareholders and thus changed management priorities, leading to a reduction in the desired growth rate. In the second pan, the link between accumulation and financialisation is tested econometrically by means of a time series analysis of aggregate business investment for the USA, the UK, France and Germany. Extensive tests of robustness are performed. For the first three countries, evidence supporting the negative effect of financialisation on accumulation is found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Lockheed Martin Corp. v. Superior Court, the California Supreme Court rejected certification for a proposed medical monitoring class, but declined to set a per se bar against class treatment of such claims. The court held that individual issues predominated because the class members had not provided substantial evidence that they could resolve dosage issues with common proof. In rejecting certification, the court improperly focused on the substantive merits of the case and raised a manageability concern for future classes of medical monitoring claimants. Although the decision expressly allows for class treatment of medical monitoring claims under certain circumstances, it limits class-wide adjudication of environmental pollution and chemical exposure claims because it requires excessive scrutiny of the merits for certification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given the roots of critical theory in Marxist analysis of class and economy, it is essential that critical educators not lose sight of the importance of these factors to everyday practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Data from a population-based case-control study were used to evaluate the relation between social class factors and squamous cell esophageal cancer and the extent to which alcohol, tobacco, diet, and low income contribute to the higher incidence among Black men than among White men in the United States. A total of 347 male cases (119 White, 228 Black) and 1,354 male controls (743 White, 611 Black) were selected from three US geographic areas (Atlanta, Georgia, Detroit, Michigan, and New Jersey). Cases were residents of the study areas aged 30–79 years who had been diagnosed with histologically confirmed esophageal cancer between 1986 and 1989. The adjusted odds ratios for subjects with annual incomes less than $10,000 versus incomes of $25,000 or more were 4.3 (95% confidence interval: 2.1, 8.7) for Whites and 8.0 (95% confidence interval: 4.3, 15.0) for Blacks. The combination of all four major risk factors—low income, moderate/heavy alcohol intake, tobacco use, and infrequent consumption of raw fruits and vegetables—accounted for almost all of the squamous cell esophageal cancers in Whites (98%) and Blacks (99%) and for 99% of the excess incidence among Black men. Thus, lifestyle modifications, especially a lowered intake of alcoholic beverages, would markedly decrease the incidence of squamous cell esophageal cancer in both racial groups and would narrow the racial disparity in risk. Further studies on the determinants of social class may help to identify a new set of exposures for this tumor that are amenable to intervention. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores how members of the American middle and working classes perceive themselves and each other's lives. The data offer an opportunity to address the relevance of social class as a concept for understanding American society while at the same time helping to clarify the debate over the question of whether the working class is integrated into American society or angry, alienated, and resistant to mainstream goals and institutions. The data reported here suggest that the attitudes held by many members of the middle class, which members of the working class perceive during social interaction, have an impact on the self-confidence of working-class individuals, causing some of them to experience self-doubt, pain, and hidden injuries. Social class as defined by education, occupational prestige, and income still matters in the United States. The American working class may not be class conscious in the classic Marxian sense of the concept - a class for itself - but it does have a deep understanding of the inequalities between "us" and "them". The respondents in this study do not yet know they live in a postmodern world. The attitudes and actions of members of the middle class toward working-class culture help (re) create the American working class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article criticizes the class-dominance theory, which is exactly how the corporate rich dominate the federal government in the U.S. Although the paper was aimed at the pluralists, who may not be recognized by the younger generation as the main rivals to a class-dominance view in those days, the model proved to be just as useful in the arguments that arose with the state autonomy theorists shortly after the paper appeared. The change in the economy meant that the Southern capitalists had less reason to remain Democrats, and the change in the polity meant that African-Americans had the ability to force the worst racists out of the Democratic Party through their votes in both primaries and regular elections. The end result was that most of the Southern rich were on their way to the Republican Party, taking the majority of average-income whites with them on the basis of appeals to racism and religious fundamentalism.

Latent class analysis is used to examine the proposition that political ideology plays a role in the public's tolerance for nonconformity. Results from an analysis of a representative sample of adult Americans indicate that political tolerance is neither a simple dichotomy (i.e., tolerant vs. intolerant) nor a undimensional continuum. Support is found for a four-class model of political tolerance, in which one segment of the American mass public is classified as generally tolerant, another as generally intolerant, a third as intolerant of the left, and the fourth as intolerant of the right. A log-linear analysis is used to examine the effects of education and age cohort on political tolerance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is commonly argued that the research programme of class analysis is undermined by its apparent neglect of large numbers of economically-inactive adults who do not form part of the analysis, but are affected by class processes, and form distinctive elements within any class structure. This paper disputes the claim that welfare dependents, the retired, and domestic housekeepers show distinctive patterns of socio-political class formation. Nor are the class-related attributes of the supposed underclass so distinct that they require separate treatment in a class analysis. Evidence which supports the orthodox strategy of sampling economically-active men and women is taken from national sample surveys of adults in Britain and the USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work of Marshall, Roberts and Burgoyne makes an important contribution to current debates on class, but it is argued that its theoretical basis is in need of further development. Specifically, it is argued that the 'Nuffield programme' of class analysis has lost sight of its Weberian roots. The approach departs from a view of social classes as real social groups and moves towards a nominalist view of class in which categories are justified on purely predictive grounds. It is suggested that an awareness of Weber's distinction between class situation and social class provides a firmer theoretical basis for the arguments set out by the authors and allows a more dynamic view of class to be constructed. Such a dynamic account must address issues of labour market structure, household divisions and civic status. Only on this basis can the idea of the underclass be properly assessed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the effects of changes in the definition of metropolitan areas and the establishment of poverty area boundaries to determine whether America's poor have become more clustered in areas of high poverty concentration, termed the `underclass.' Understanding underclass; Evolution of the poverty area concept; Statistics; National poverty level trends; Research on poverty areas and nonmetropolitan poverty; Conclusions drawn. INSET: Concepts and definitions..

This article focuses on a study which extends the social control perspective on premarital sex by inspecting the influence of migration on sexual behavior. Data are taken from a national probability sample of single females, ages 15-19. This study argues that there are at least five mechanisms through which moving might increase the likelihood of premarital sex: Decreased ties to familiar community institutions including extended kin, erosion of the supply of social control, increased demand for social control, loneliness, and arousal. This list is not exhaustive, only suggestive. In order to weight the migration measure of social control against other indicators of social control, three additional measures from a control theory of behavior are included. Religiosity is measured herein as the level of self-reported religiosity on a 4-point index. Social class status is thought to reduce the odds of premarital sex because higher class parents place relatively strong emphasis on achievement and work-related values. Class is measured as years of education of the father.

The article analyzes the nonpartisan and social democracy in the U.S. The social democratic potential of the U.S. state has been a subject of political and academic debate for years. While disagreements over state autonomy and welfare state reforms have raged, little attention has been paid to analyzing whether noncapitalists can embed their class biases within the U.S. state so as to democratize economic activity. The article analyzes that potential and shows that social democracy was a historical possibility and realistic option for some segments of the U.S. population. It discusses the theories and limits of U.S. studies of social democracy and state activity and specifying some key definitions and a coherent schema for analysis. It further examines the most successful case of social democratic policy-making in U.S. history The Nonpartisan League in North Dakota during the 1915-1925 era. It also analyzes the conditions under which non-capitalists mobilized their class capacity, captured the state apparatus, and formulated, enacted, implemented, and institutionalized non- capitalist class-biased policies.

This paper analyzes the effects of race, education, and income on perceptions of the extent of affluence in the United States. The analysis uses survey data from a probability sample of Hamilton County, Ohio, adults. Race, education, and income are each found to have significant additive effects on affluence perceptions. Blacks, less educated people, and people with less income tend to perceive greater affluence. The analysis suggests the importance of considering perceptions of the total distribution of rewards when considering the effects of deprivations [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Durkheim popularized the term anomie and stimulated a great deal of theoretical discussion and research. Subsequently, Srole constructed interview schedule items to measure Personal anomia, and his items have been used by a large number of investigators. Many of these researchers implicitly assumed unidimensionality while others explicitly tested for it by Gutttman scaling and factor analysis techniques. However, none of these researchers repeated Srole's latent class analysis. In this paper, representative samples of households in the Los Angeles SMSA and in a "suburban type" city responded to the anomia items as part of larger investigations. The responses were subjected to factor analysis and Guttman scaling for a test of unidimensionality, and latent class analysis as a test of scalability and typological construction. For both samples, the responses did not meet the generally accepted criterion of a "pure" Guttman scale. As a result of a principal axis factor analysis only one common factor was extracted in both samples. The Green solution was used for latent class analysis and the result was the minimum one would expect from a unidimensional set of items, or two classes--the anomic and eunomic. Major conclusions are that it cannot be assumed an item, or universe of items, will foster the same results in different universes or at different times, even under somewhat similar modes of analysis. If no tests for unidimensionality and scalability are made, gradations of the Guttman scale type appear to be contra-indicated and polarization appears to be more appropriate for the Srole items. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents sociological analysis of social mobility upon the societal organizations and the institutions that serve both as social "ladders" or "staircases" for vertical circulation and as "sieves" or "sifters" which test and select, sort and grade the members of the population, and distribute and locate them in the strata where they function their obligations and rights. The processes of vertical mobility have never operated perfectly in the U.S. There have always been discriminations, unequal opportunity, and barriers to rising for various portions of the population and effectively artificed and maintained supports which enabled other portions to enjoy social altitudes for which they had not been fairly selected. The U.S. class system has been more "closed" than one is willing to admit on the basis of fondly fostered mobility ideology. Many of the old obstacles still exist. There are also "straws in the wind" that indicate that new blocks and gaps are appearing on the social staircase, that the sieves are not working so well or function only for portions of the population and that there is a discernible tendency for more and more positions to become established and fixed.

The article throws light on the economic classes in Rhode Island. Rhode Island was the first host in the U.S. to the factory. Agrarian and commercial enterprises were willingly pushed aside for the greater chance of profit in this direction. Admirably adapted to a manufacturing economy, the state became thoroughly industrialized by the middle of last century. The affects of this industrialization on social structure are therefore slow growths. It is pertinent to inquire as to the affects of this industrial development upon particular groups within the population. Social movements of the past century emphasize the importance of these changing economic classes. And trends within these classes should be equally significant to the employer and worker who are directly connected with industry and to all people who are interested in community affairs. The economic classes of Rhode Island can be conveniently arranged in the following order: farm laborers, farmers, proprietors and officials, professional class, low salaried employees, servants and industrial wage earners.

From comparative studies in Wisconsin of suburbs and counties favorable and opposed to Governor Wallace of Alabama; of the Wallace and normal party votes; and of the Wallace and former Senator McCarthy votes, Professor Rogin finds that much of the political expression of white prejudice is concentrated among middle- and upper-class conservatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a study on the social class origins of college teachers of education in the U.S. The data were gathered as part of a larger study of college teachers of education at the University of Nebraska. Deans and chairmen were asked to submit up-to-date lists of their faculty members in education. The questionnaire used contained several measures of social class origin in which father's occupational level was thought to be the most accurate. The evidence suggests that much larger number of incumbents enter the field of college teaching of education from homes of skilled or unskilled laborers.