Search

The Say-All-Fast-Minute-Every-Day-Shuffled (SAFMEDS) strategy promotes fast and accurate recall. The existing literature suggests that the strategy can help learners improve academic outcomes. Through a cluster randomized controlled trial, we assessed the impact of implementation support on children's mathematics outcomes during a teacher-led SAFMEDS intervention. Following training and prior to baseline assessments, we randomly allocated schools to receive either no (n = 31) or ongoing (n = 33) support from a researcher. Support consisted of three "in-situ" visits and email contact. Assessors remained blind to the condition of the schools throughout. We analyzed the outcomes of children (n[subscript Support] = 294, n[subscript NoSupport] = 281) using a multi-level mixed-effects model; accounting for the children nested within schools. The results suggest that implementation support has a small effect on children's fluency of arithmetic facts (Mathematics Fluency and Calculation Tests (MFaCTs): Grades 1-2, d = 0.23, 95% CI: 0.06-0.40; MFaCTs: Grades 3-5, d = 0.25, 95% CI: 0.08-0.42). These results are larger than the average effect sizes reported within professional development literature that apply coaching elements to mathematics programs.

Gwynedd Local Education Authority (LEA) in North West Wales, UK, is funding a small-scale autism-specific specialist education service using ABA methodology. The program is available through the medium of Welsh, English or bilingually, depending on the individual needs of the child (Jones and Hoerger in Eur J Behav Anal 10:249-253, "2009"). Delivering an ABA curriculum within a Welsh context raises issues regarding how ABA interventions work in a non-Anglo-American cultural and linguistic context. We describe one part of the program, as well as the mechanics of translation and interpretation: How ABA fits conceptually in a different language, how Skinner's original ideas about developing a scientific terminology to describe behavior can be applied to a different cultural and linguistic tradition, and cultural variation in reinforcement practices.

Following pretraining with everyday objects, 10 children aged from 1 to 4 years were given common vocal tact training with a set of three pairs of arbitrary stimuli of differing shapes; Set 1. Nine children learned to tact one stimulus as "zog" and the other as "vek" in each pair, and all passed subsequent pairwise tests for the corresponding listener behavior to each listener stimulus (i.e., /zog/ and /vek/, respectively). The children were next trained to clap to one stimulus of Pair 1 and wave to the other, and all then showed name-consistent transfer of these behaviors to the stimuli of Pair 2 and Pair 3. Seven children also were given a test of listener responding to experimenter-modeled clap and wave gestures, respectively, which they all passed. Four of the children next participated in a category match-to-sample test for the Set 1 stimuli; all 4 passed. For each pair of two additional six-stimuli sets, Set 2 and Set 3, 3 children were trained to wave to one stimulus and to clap to the other. For each set, all 3 children showed perfect transfer of the vocal tacts trained to Set 1, and of listener behavior both to the auditory stimuli /zog/ and /vek/ and to experimenter-modeled clap and wave gestures. They also sorted the stimuli perfectly in category match-to-sample tests for Set 2, Sets 1 and 2 combined, Set 3, and Sets 1, 2, and 3 combined. The results show that even in very young children, naming is a powerful means of generating new category relations among as many as 18 arbitrary stimuli. (Contains 2 tables and 3 figures.)