Search

Societies concerned with preventing acts of violent extremism often target the ideas that are thought to motivate such acts. The state's use of educational institutions is one mechanism by which those ideas are subjected to challenge. Teaching liberal democratic values to students is one method. Here, David Stevens argues that this model is misguided. First, commitment to violent methods is not primarily driven by the attractiveness of radical ideas themselves, but by material facts and circumstances. Second, an education that ignores the teaching of various socioeconomic values, such as a commitment to a certain degree of material equality and welfare provision, is inadequate as a conception of citizenship. These criticisms are related. Citizens are owed certain resources and commitments as citizens, and grounds for dissatisfaction and violence are reduced when citizens receive the holdings to which they are entitled, and when their fellow citizens recognize and endorse this. Consequently, it is the role of education to teach directively toward the adoption of such socioeconomic values and commitments.

This synthesis of 30 qualitative studies examined young people's views on pornography related to their sexual health. Synthesis revealed pornography use is considered normal by young people, reinforced by its usefulness as a tool for pleasure, information, and instruction in the absence of sufficient sexuality education. However, youth can become distressed by misogynistic, racist, homophobic, transphobic, or violent pornography content. Youth lack spaces to discuss pornography with trusted adults, leaving them to manage their use without support and potentially leading to harmful attitudes and unrealistic expectations about sex. Implications include the need for additional research and increased access to inclusive sexuality education.

Research on the ethics of the home-school partnerships in secondary education is scarce. This paper uses data from three case studies to argue: students have a right to privacy which home-school partnerships can circumvent, parents can be used as a resource to leverage compliance from students which undermines young people's privacy, and developing trusting relationships between parents and teachers is complex when considering the power differentials within that relationship. This article concludes that specific areas around privacy that require greater consideration include: the use of parents to leverage behavioural change in students, the sharing of information students may legitimately believe is intimate without consent, and seeking a change in values within the home. We also consider the areas of resistance students have displayed towards an encroachment on their private spheres.

Purpose: In recent years the movement of refugees has led to increasing negative media and political discourse about migration in the United Kingdom, particularly as the number of refugees crossing the English Channel has increased. Despite this hostility, little is known about how the UK public perceive the journeys made by refugees or the refugees themselves. Design/methodology/approach: In this study the authors used a story completion method to analyse perceptions and understandings of refugees. Participants were given the opening of a story about refugees crossing the English Channel and were asked to complete the remainder of the story. In total, 84 participants completed stories that ranged in length from two to 423 words. The stories were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis. Findings: Each of the completed stories was analysed using reflexive thematic analysis and three themes were generated--Conflicting emotions: Uncertainty and the relief of reaching safety after a traumatic journey; The spectre of illegality: Borders and the uncertainty of what happens next; and Welcome or unwelcome?: Cultural values of welcome and hospitality. Originality/value: The authors argue that this original use of the story completion method highlights how participants draw on cultural narratives of hospitality and welcome and that their stories are constructed using emotional categories that are in contrast to the more binary constructions of refugees that are present in media and government discourse about refugees and the English Channel crossings.

Maktab education serves many purposes. It provides the substantive knowledge thought to be compulsory for Muslim pupils. Its functional role is to enable them, through varied learning processes, to embody elements of their faith and live as Muslims. Hitherto, systematic attention to curricula in primary maktab education has been rare. This ground-breaking research makes an original contribution to this under-researched area. It examines three curricula operative in the British context. In part, it presents findings on the structural and organizational features, aims and objectives of learning, pedagogical snippets and the taught content. However, the focus is on discerning matters related to the conception of social justice by addressing questions such as what Muslim children are taught about justice and injustice from a vertical and horizontal plane. Documentary thematic and descriptive analysis will be applied to simplify the content, identify patterns, determine contexts, and gain a better understanding of these teachings. The findings suggest that these curricula instil prosocial values ostensibly at the micro-level and, to some degree, at the macro level.

Humanitarian events are increasing globally, both in number and intensity. In response, the international community spends approximately US $30 billion annually to alleviate both the immediate consequences of these climatic, geographic, and human-induced events but also to support mitigation and recovery. Over the past two decades, the humanitarian sector has increasingly professionalised. One under-studied aspect of this professionalisation is an increase in postgraduate studies in humanitarian action over the last 20 years. Despite this increase, there is no agreement on core curriculum or pedagogy across humanitarian studies courses. How do current Masters of Humanitarian Assistance (MHA) offerings converge and differ, and how can such courses further their contribution to the humanitarian endeavour? This paper surveys 26 anglophone courses offered in the United States, Europe, the United Kingdom, Australia, India, and Nigeria, exploring key characteristics of course entry requirements, flexibility, research, practical components, and academic foci. It does not recommend what a core curriculum for humanitarian courses should be, but does argue that core curriculum for humanitarian courses should be identified by relevant and diverse stakeholders such as affected communities, humanitarian agencies, disaster management bodies, and governments, to ensure that courses in this field provide appropriate learning outcomes. The paper suggests how such a 'charter' may be developed.

Many approaches to political education take it to involve the construction of particular sections of the curriculum in which political matters are addressed -- named perhaps "civics" or "citizenship education". While these approaches have often been beneficial, they are all also problematic and controversial in some degree. Moreover, it is sometimes said that political education operates across a wide range of what happens in educational institutions -- for example, in the ways of behaving that are promoted inside and outside the classroom, in the general ethos of the school or college, and through its marking of significant dates or events. The approach adopted in this paper takes a more radical line, however, in that it resists the restriction of the political that these approaches assume. This is not to argue for the mobilization of schools and other educational institutions as instruments of politics. It is rather to try to show that matters of political significance are pervasive in the curriculum. The substance of the curriculum is an expression of what the culture takes to be important and of the values that the culture wishes to pass on. The fostering of those values must have some effect on the kind of society that is then promoted, and indeed this must be inherent in the aims of education.

How does a beginning teacher go about constructing a teacherly identity in a pandemic? How does one reconcile what might be with what is, as dictated by the rhetoric of a neoliberal government, which prizes the individual mind over the collective one, the product over the process, and results over relationships? This essay explores these questions through the experience of reading "Jane Eyre" with a Year 9 English class. Personal and professional stories form the core of this investigation that explores the complexities of finding a teacherly identity; this is a discussion about aims and values and relationships, rather than just 'effective' teaching strategies.

Thinking sexuality education and religion together often results in antagonisms that pit religious and secular values against each other. Political theology provides new insights into this tendency by showing how modern concepts of political legitimacy are based on secularised Christian theology. Neoliberal schooling, public sexual health and human rights provide legitimacy for sexuality education in post-Christian societies and all three are grounded in political theology. The political theology of sexuality education can be seen wherever ideal sexual subjectivities are presented which set up standards which one can succeed or fail to meet with clear consequences. These standards could be heterosexual, safe and marital, but equally agential, pleasurable, transgressive and self-aware. While there may be many ways of escaping the Christian political theological foundations of sexuality education altogether, a political theology of non-violence opens up a way for Christian and secular conceptions of sexuality education to move forward amidst significant cultural and moral difference.

When crises occur, revisiting given knowledge and practices seems sensible and necessary. For instance, the recent financial crisis in 2008 lead to questioning the role played by financial institutions and business schools in precipitating the crisis by allowing questionable professional ethics to go unchallenged. There is a current crisis in public administration in the UK, visible in the growing challenges to public sector professionals in their practice and in the increased questioning of the government as a guarantor of public services and welfare. To understand the current situation, exploring the role of public administration teaching and professional organisations in the UK is key. Have we perhaps neglected the teaching of ethics and public value as crucial tenets to the profession and to its practice? This paper explores the necessity, merits, and difficulties of embedding ethics and public value concepts into the curriculum.

Stacy Boldrick is a Lecturer in Art Museum and Gallery Studies at the University of Leicester, where she conducts research in iconoclasm and its significance for social groups and institutions. She is the author of "Iconoclasm and the Museum" (Routledge, 2020). In 2013, she collaborated with Tabitha Barber to curate Art Under Attack: Histories of British Iconoclasm, an exhibition at Tate Britain. The present interview took place in the aftermath of George Floyd's murder and against the background of the ensuing worldwide anti-racism movement and protests when many debates on what should happen to monuments linked to the Confederacy, slavery and colonialism were put in the spotlight. The interview explores the historical and social consequences of iconoclasm, with a particular focus on the role of monuments within the current anti-racism movement. Lily Jean is studying Politics and International Studies at the University of Warwick.

Home-schooling, or 'elective home education' (EHE) as it is more commonly known in the UK, invites contestation and controversies. Drawing on a UK-wide study of 242 families this paper explores a collection of EHE pedagogic practices within the socially situated contexts of doing everyday life. Through an application of Bernsteinian ideas, the findings surface some of the ways in which invisible pedagogies afforded children greater autonomy over the sequence and pace over their learning. It also considers how community development has helped some parents to harness the forms of capital which extend and remake new structures to strengthen the transmission of their social values. Contrary to the messages of EHE advocates, it shows that approaches inspired by unschooling are not devoid of power and control altogether. In considering the experiences of children and young people, the findings highlight the relative challenges and opportunities of transitioning from invisible pedagogies to formal qualifications in a context where access to public examinations can be difficult to achieve. Considering the tensions that these pedagogies reveal in the socialisation towards individualism, the author suggests solutions for questioning, challenging and bridging divides.

The Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015 places a specific duty on clearly identified actors to prevent terrorism. This paper adopts a poststructuralist approach to deconstruct the Prevent Duty's ideology and discourse. Using Foucauldian terminology, Prevent is conceptualised as a proactive "dispositif" to manage the risk of extremism in the UK, in that it is an 'ensemble of discourses,' 'regulatory decisions' and 'moral positions' (Foucault, 1980: 194) that constitute a complex system of response to the threat of terrorism. A globalised state of (in)security is posited as a major influence for Prevent's inception. The formulation of the policy text is underpinned by the neoliberal "governmentality" of the Big Society. The paper problematises its implementation in the education sector through the analysis of the 'duty' to promote British values in the classroom and the expectation of 'preventing people from being drawn into terrorism' (HM Government, 2011; 2019). It concludes that the "dispositif" is driven by principles of human rights and proactivity, however, it has been largely misinterpreted due to lack of clarity and the assumption of shared values.

By 1989, fascism had long been defeated in Europe, and reforms in the Soviet Union appeared to signify the collapse of communist ideology, prompting Francis Fukuyama to famously declare the 'end of history'. Since then, neoliberalism has been rolled out globally. This paper argues that, with regard to higher education, Fukuyama's claim that the pursuit of knowledge will be replaced by the 'satisfaction of sophisticated consumer demands' is prescient. What, then, prompted Fukuyama to qualify his predictions in 2018? Citing both the turmoil of Brexit and the election of Donald Trump, Fukuyama blames identity politics for the breakdown of consensus over what the nation is, or should be, and suggests that the promotion of creedal identity might rescue Western democracy from populism. This paper disagrees: using the examples of Brexit and the promotion of Fundamental British Values in schools, it argues that creedal identity has become another expression of populism. Rejecting the claim that identity politics are the ultimate source of populism, it argues that populism is the predictable outcome of recession in the market economy.

Most western countries face either existing or looming teacher shortages. No doubt there are many and varied reasons for this and no simple remedy. Contemporaneously, film and television can have profound, often unintended attitudinal and behavioural consequences. As reflectors and creators of societal values, axiomatically, they provide insight into the construction and management of both personal and professional identities. The portrayal of various occupations on screen is therefore of perennial importance. Indeed, several professions have struggled with the implications of their representation in popular culture. Teachers have been variously portrayed on screen. However, a consistent and significant negative shift has taken place this century. Consequently, a descriptive analysis is undertaken of teacher characters streaming on Netflix in 2019. Pattern coding reveals three equally disturbing themes: incompetence/character flaws; promiscuity; and substance abuse. Conclusions are drawn and future research directions outlined.

This article argues that the history of mass education as it was written in Great Britain between 1870 and 1914 became an important site for debating what it meant to be British and the nature of progress. In particular, it explores different perspectives on when and where to begin a history of mass education, whom or what to make central to it, and what guidance the past offered for the future. Disagreements over these seemingly narrow questions reflected broader disagreements about what it meant to be British (including whether there was a deep-seated national character at all); the nature of the union; and how and why progress happened.

This article explores the positioning of a sample of Arabic complementary language schools in the context of the UK government's discourse and promotion of so-called Fundamental British Values. While there is considerable social and political debate about radicalisation in Arab communities, teachers in the sample are deeply committed to a form of consensual diversity, both in their schools and their communities. They are also supportive of so-called British values, which they frame as universal values. In their promotion of these values as universal, there may be the potential for diasporic disconnect: the schools are striving for integration which may at times result in assimilationist positioning in the context of government pressure. However, their discourse is embedded in the highly charged political context in which Arabic schools operate and in which they position themselves as stakeholders in Arab communities. On the basis of the qualitative evidence reported here some of the government's ways of challenging radicalisation seems unwarranted in relation to Arabic complementary language schools.

Teaching learners with different disciplinary backgrounds, aptitudes, worldviews and cultures is an abiding problem in Higher Education. Special measures are needed to ensure that course design, teaching methods and, especially, assessment does not exclude, alienate or disinvite learners simply because they have different capabilities and ways of understanding. Most of these measures involve the radical diversification of assessment and teaching methods and, designing curricula that allow learners to reach different conclusions and learning outcomes without penalization. This paper evaluates and commends the use of Spiral Dynamics' layered system of alternative worldviews as a means of developing learner skills in critical analysis and building deeper understanding of diversity. Using Spiral Dynamics-based pluralism to guide course design fosters greater inclusion and achievement.

Queer youth are positioned as "at risk", and queer youth in religious settings and communities are seen as especially vulnerable due to the anti-LGBT sentiment assumed to inhere there. Governmental funding has recently been directed towards challenging homophobia, biphobia and transphobia in English faith schools specifically, as the political discourse of "British values" comes increasingly to include an ostensible commitment to LGBT rights. It is in this context that we present qualitative research with queer religious youth who attended both faith and community schools in England. The lived experience of queer religious youth in faith schools is much more multi-faceted than is commonly represented -- this was also the case for pupils in (non-faith) community schools. Rather than locating the problem within religion, attention needs to be paid to the heteronormativity and gender binarism that structures the entire educational experience. Furthermore, in engaging with the experiences of queer youth who are also religious, we explore the ways in which religion can be mobilised as a form of support, and more broadly argue against the tendency to see queer youth exclusively in terms of their queerness.

This article discusses the challenges faced teaching the promotion of 'British values', especially for trainee teachers. The advancement of these 'British values' as set out by the Department for Education is confusing, contradictory, and appear to exclude a sizeable minority of pupils of minority backgrounds from the current historical narrative of Britain as delineated by the National Curriculum (2013). Moreover, there is little advice for new teachers on what these 'values' really mean or how they should be taught within schools, despite forming part of the standards required to achieve QTS. The author not only examines this confusion but provides the perspective of a former academic who has moved into secondary teaching, and their reaction to the teaching of History in schools and concerns regarding the History Curriculum.

This paper considers the social value of anonymity in online university student communities, through the presentation of research which tracked the final year of life of the social media application Yik Yak. Yik Yak was an anonymous, geosocial mobile application launched in 2013 which, at its peak in 2014, was used by around two million students in the US and UK. The research we report here is significant as a mixed method study tracing the final year of the life of this app in a large UK university between 2016 and 2017. The paper uses computational and ethnographic methods to understand what might be at stake in the loss of anonymity within university student communities in a datafied society. Countering the most common argument made against online anonymity -- its association with hate speech and victimisation -- the paper draws on recent conceptual work on the social value of anonymity to argue that anonymity online in this context had significant value for the communities that use it. This study of a now-lost social network constitutes a valuable portrait by which we might better understand our current predicament in relation to anonymity, its perceived value and its growing impossibility.

School responses to the Prevent agenda have tended to focus primarily on 'safeguarding' approaches, which essentially perceive some young people as being 'at risk' and potentially as presenting a risk to others. In this article, we consider evidence from secondary school students who experienced a curriculum project on terrorism, extremism and radicalisation. We argue that a curriculum response which addresses the acquisition of knowledge can build students' critical capacity for engagement with radicalisation through enhanced political literacy and media literacy. We further argue this represents a genuinely educational response to Prevent, as opposed to a more restrictive securitised approach.

This paper explores how teachers respond to the requirement to promote 'fundamental British values' (FBV) to their pupils. It offers a preliminary analysis of data drawn from interviews with teachers and (mostly lesson) observations in schools. It argue that, first, the policy cannot be understood without a consideration of the multi-layered context in which it is being enacted in schools. Second, it locates the policy to promote FBV as a liberal nationalist one and considers some of the problematic issues that arise from this philosophy. Third, it turns to schools and teachers to consider their reactions and responses. It is concluded that teachers and schools in this research often did attempt to neutralize potentially exclusionary readings of the policy and were effective in absorbing the requirement to promote British values. However, doubt is cast on the policy's ability to meet its aims and the paper also raise concerns about the limited amount of time given to pupils' engagement with the values.

Many of the often complex debates central to the topics of belonging and social cohesion have their origins in contrasting interpretations of the ideal relationship between citizens. Governments across much of the western world continue to struggle to reconceptualise what it is to 'belong together' at a time of growing diversity and migration. This article considers three conceptual difficulties involved in the directive for schools to actively promote Fundamental British Values to address this issue. First, the directive fails to refer to any relevant theories around the concept of belonging, one of the major strands of research in social cohesion. The concept of 'perceived belonging' is thus introduced to further explore what the bond between citizens 'looks like'. Secondly, the lack of theory leads to a restriction of the values needed to support the bond. Thirdly, there is then a lack of sufficient clarity of action for how this might be translated into school practice. Finally, I suggest that the directive needs further theoretical engagement to be successful.

What does it mean to be a Muslim young woman in Britain today and with which religious and social values do these young women identify? This paper tests the thesis that Muslim identity predicts distinctive values of public and social significance among female adolescents (13- to 15- years of age) who participated in a survey conducted across the four nations of the United Kingdom. From the 11,809 participants in the survey, the present analyses compares the responses of 177 female students who self-identified as Muslim with the responses of 1183 female students who self-identified as religiously unaffiliated. Comparisons are drawn across two domains defined as religiosity and as social values. The data demonstrated that for these female adolescents self-identification as Muslim encased a distinctive profile in terms both of religiosity and social values.

Since the introduction of the Prevent duty across the UK, schools have had to balance the need to fulfil their responsibilities under the duty -- often understood to include monitoring and surveillance -- with their ultimate purpose to educate their students. This positions teachers within a particular set of tensions about their own beliefs about education, their values, and their roles and relationships with young people and communities. This article draws on interviews with classroom teachers and members of school leadership teams from 10 schools, in order to compare how teachers have understood and responded to those tensions. The article will focus on the various ways in which teachers frame the policy, and the ways in which they exercise agency in their responses. Drawing on an ecological approach to theorising teacher agency our data reveals how teachers develop different responses to anti-extremism policy depending on their role; their school contexts; and their own beliefs. Whilst in some important regards the statutory Prevent duty has 'closed down' some options, nevertheless teachers exercise agency to interpret and enact policy and, when translating the policy into a curriculum context, also make 'leaps' of interpretation as concepts such as fundamental British values are turned into lessons.

This article concerns the way that research into Professional Memory (PM) in English teaching might re-connect the school subject with constituencies--the individuals, communities and social values--it once served. By PM I mean the collective memories of a generation of English teachers which, when brought into conjunction with existing histories, could offer critical perspectives on English today. In this article I will try to show how PM and the wealth of collective representations might afford much needed perspectives on the purposes and practices of secondary English in the UK. (Contains 3 footnotes.)

Background: Intellectual disability research has concentrated on self-reported explicit attitudes with little focus on implicit attitudes. Such attitudes are evaluations which occur with or without conscious awareness, respectively. This investigation examined participants' (N = 234) attitudes towards individuals with intellectual disabilities with reference to participants' gender, age, level of education, frequency of contact and closeness. Method: UK adults completed explicit (ATTID) and implicit attitude (ST-IAT) measures, and provided demographics via an online survey. Results: Participant demographics predicted explicit attitudes--with differing cognitive, affective and behavioural associations. Contact frequency was most significant. Implicit attitudes were not predicted, evidencing implicit-explicit attitude differences. Conclusions: The results encourage more implicit-explicit attitude relationship research regarding disability. The associations between demographics, contact and implicit attitudes should be explored further. Research should question whether implicit attitudes reflect participants' true beliefs--denoting less importance to demographics--or whether they reflect wider societal values rather than individuals' attitudes.

It is now two decades since the Advisory Group on Citizenship, commissioned by the newly elected Labour government, recommended the introduction of statutory citizenship education. On the twentieth anniversary of the eponymously named 'Crick Report,' this article presents the findings of a rigorous mixed-methods study of citizenship educators in the UK. This research suggests that teachers continue to lack a shared understanding of citizenship, conceptually and pedagogically, and also reveals an emphasis amongst teachers upon individualistic notions of good citizenship that are reflective of national, and increasingly global, political discourse. The findings are analysed using a new conceptual framework--the declarative--procedural paradigm--which is developed here to understand the relationship between political and normatively driven visions of democratic citizenship and classroom pedagogy. In doing so the article adds, theoretically and substantively, to the specific research pool of citizenship studies and broader debates about political disengagement.

This article contends that the implementation of government policies is mediated principally by the state, the economy and social class but that these have all changed so markedly since 1945 that education can no longer be seen as having the reforming role attributed to it in the postwar years. The continued assumption that it does means that, were policies based upon Labour's characteristic pedagogic project to be implemented in government, they may well lead to disillusion. This would only contribute to, rather than help resolve, the crisis of social democracy in the British Labour Party.

This paper reports a three-year study of Praxis Inquiry based developments in teacher education undertaken by an international consortium of university colleagues who have worked in Australia, Iceland, Latvia, and the United Kingdom. Our study suggests that the attainment of inclusive community responsive pedagogies--in schools and in teacher education programs--is situated in the public/personal dialectic between the transformation of individual values, world views, ethics and practice, and the sociocultural and structural factors that mediate equity, access, and opportunity in educational systems. (Contains 2 figures, 1 table and 9 footnotes.)

This article addresses the way in which the securitisation of education, effected through initiatives in counter-terrorism such as Prevent, leads to what I call "pedagogical injustice" for students and teachers. It analyses the implications of the pre-crime agenda in the space of the classroom and draws upon literature on epistemic injustice, communicative injustice and institutional prejudice to explain why bringing counter-terrorist legislation into education undermines the educational endeavour. It argues that by re-framing the Prevent agenda in the language of therapy, resilience and well-being, indicators guiding its implementation that might otherwise be seen as illegitimate or even illegal forms of profiling are given credence in the spheres of education and other domains which demand pastoral care from professionals. By targeting ideas instead of focusing on violence, Prevent undermines educators. Foucault describes this kind of blurring of discourses as "ubuesque" and examines the veneer of legitimacy given when professionals engage in discourses and practices beyond their specific expertise. This new figure is the counter-terrorist educator operating between the spheres of security, psychology and education. To contest this image of education and outline the dangers of this approach, we turn to Arendt's writings on education and her commitment to "training the imagination to go visiting."

The article interprets changes in human rights education in English school policy on values which have increasingly been framed by PREVENT and a move from international to national expressions of values. It reveals the extent of the impact and nature of this change on human rights education in school policy for the first time. It reports changes from minimal to maximal expectations compounded by an increased focus of school performance. It illustrates the extent to which values are politically framed and significantly how recently "sudden" political changes in the United Kingdom can be seen as part of a change trend which is almost 10 years old. It draws on Schwartz's theoretical structure of values, Baxi's conceptualisation of rights and Lohrenscheit's notion of learning "about" and learning "for" human rights as these, respectively, reveal conceptual clarity in values, human rights and pedagogy.

The duty to monitor "the failure to uphold British Values" in the "Prevent" strategy, introduced in the Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015, is itself an attack on British democracy. This article explains the contradictory nature of the "Prevent Duty." First, the current state of democracy in Britain is examined and contrasted to a common teaching topic, the Suffragettes. Under "Prevent," Suffragettes' extremist tactics place a burden on teachers to explain how terrorist activities may have once been legitimate. Second, "Prevent's" focus on extremism and radicalization assumes a moral consensus, which is confirmed by its incorporation into the Safeguarding agenda. The article, however, argues that fear of radicalization does not create a new moral universal. Democracy involves a struggle to influence parliament both in expanding the suffrage in the 19th century and in the contemporary discussion of political power. "Prevent's" insistence on the importance of democracy, while denying the contestation of ideas which is integral to the working of a democracy, further evacuates the concept. Democracy is described as separate from the struggles that created it, a "value" that everyone shares, rather than a means by which the majority can struggle to construct policy.

For the first time in 2001 the Census for England and Wales included a question on religious identity. The campaign for the inclusion of this question was largely pioneered by the Muslim community who argued that religious identity was a more significant indicator of social and public significance than ethnicity. This paper tests the thesis that Muslim identity predicts distinctive values of public and social significance among male adolescents (13-15 years of age) who participated in a survey conducted across the four nations of the United Kingdom. From the 11,870 participants in the survey the present analysis compares the responses of 158 male students who self-identified as Muslim with the responses of 1932 male students who self-identified as religiously unaffiliated. Comparisons are drawn across two domains defined as religiosity and as social values. The data demonstrated that for these male adolescents self-identification as Muslim encased a distinctive profile in terms both of religiosity and social values.

This paper uses data from the 1970 Birth Cohort Study in the UK to explore the well-established link between "liberal" social values and education. Whilst the link itself is well-established, the underlying mechanism is not; the paper explores empirically mechanisms that have been proposed for this link. In particular it considers the effects of social background, "ability", personal efficacy and field of study on social values to explore both direct and indirect effects of education. The paper finds that, whilst there are important effects of social background and ability on social values, these do not explain the effect of educational attainment. Moreover, differences according to field of study suggest that the most likely mechanism linking education with liberal values is one of socialisation.

In a rapidly expanding academic literature on gratitude, psychologists, philosophers and educational theorists have argued that gratitude is not just of great psycho-social importance but also of moral significance. It would therefore seem to follow that the promotion of gratitude is also of moral educational significance. In this regard, recent attempts by psychologists to develop practical interventions designed to make people more grateful should be of some interest. However, while appreciating some benefits of such work, this article argues that much of it falls short of the educational task of developing an adequate pedagogy of gratitude focused on assisting learners' acquaintance with the complex normative grammar (moral and conceptual) of gratitude discourse. With reference to ongoing work by the authors, the article proceeds to explore further this important dimension of educating gratitude.

This article draws on a study which investigated the interpretation and use of Social and Emotional Aspects of Learning (SEAL) in primary schools in the UK (the authors gratefully acknowledge Studentship funding from the Economic and Social Research Council for this study). The paper focuses on school staff members' perceptions about the intentions and purposes of the scheme. The testimonies of head teachers, management staff, teachers, teaching assistants, welfare assistants and pastoral staff members illustrated how the interpretation and use of SEAL was influenced by their perceptions about the pupils' parents and, in particular, parental ability to develop 'appropriate' social, emotional and behavioural skills in their children. In schools where parenting was positively appraised, SEAL was used to complement parenting practices; whilst in schools where parents were negatively appraised, SEAL was used to counter their endeavours. The scheme was also used to compensate for certain inadequacies that were deemed to be taking place in the home. These differing perceptions of parents were linked to social class, with the scheme being used to complement the practices of middle-class parents and to counter those of minority-ethnic and working-class people. We contend that this interpretation and use of the scheme helped to re-affirm the practices of the dominant culture whilst serving to marginalise the values of the less powerful groups in society. Implications of the study's findings are discussed and recommendations for staff, schools and policy are made.

A key contributor to the 1948 New Education Fellowship "The Teacher and World Peace" submission to UNESCO, Alex Bloom is one of the most remarkable pioneers of radical democratic education of the twentieth century. In many important respects, Bloom's internationally renowned work from 1945-55 at St George-in-the-East Secondary Modern School in the East End of London can be seen as an iconic example of education for peace. Wounded in World War I, a teacher and then head teacher between the two World Wars and during World War II, this article explores key aspects of his commitment to a form of democratic education that was both a response to two great conflagrations of the twentieth century and a contribution to the possibility of less destructive ways of living and learning together in the future.

Research with South Asian families of individuals with intellectual disabilities (ID) suggests an increased fear of stigma and isolation from the community. Evidence on attitudes towards ID among the wider community is very limited and was the focus of the present study. Responses were collected from 737 college students aged 16-19 using the Community Living Attitudes Scale--ID version. Results indicated that British South Asians (n = 355) were less in favour of the social inclusion of people with ID than White British young people (n = 382). British South Asian adolescents were more likely to hold the view that people with ID should be sheltered and not empowered. It is proposed that future inclusion policies integrate ethnic minority views whose religious and cultural values do not always conform to the core values of social inclusion policies. It is also proposed that culturally specific school based interventions could be introduced with the aims of decreasing stigma and fostering attitudes in line with the aims of normalisation. (Contains 8 tables.)

Gender inequalities in schools have implications for life chances, emotional well-being and educational policies and practices, but are apparently resistant to change. This paper employs Judith Butler's conceptualisation of performativity in a study of young people and consumption to provide insights into gendered inequities. It argues that how the young people "do" gender in focus groups frequently involves the discussion of young women's bodies and clothes in ways that are "culturally intelligible". The focus on young women's bodies produced joking relationships and a taken-for-granted understanding of gender in some same-sex interactions, but sometimes created tension and divisions in mixed-gender groups. Discussions of sexualisation in single-sex and mixed-sex groups were similarly emotionally loaded. The paper argues that attention to gender inequalities requires detailed attention to the differential power relations in which boys express desires to control feminine bodies and girls police their own and other girls' bodies. Methodologically, the paper suggests that focus group discussions constitute an ethnographic site for analysis and that researchers co-construct young people's narratives of embodied gender practices in ways that mediate young people's gendered performances. (Contains 2 notes.)

A "humanitarian market" for off-grid renewable energy technologies for displaced populations in remote areas has emerged. Within this market, there are multiple stakeholder agendas. End-user needs and sustainable development goals are currently not considered through the customer-enterprise relationship and the applied product and service design process. Challenges inherent in the attempt to satisfy multiple stakeholder interests are complicated by short-term planning by humanitarian funding agencies. These challenges have led to poor technical performance, accountability issues and increased mistrust between stakeholders. Enterprises looking for sustainable and predictable markets in the humanitarian relief context will benefit from reflecting upon and communicating their role in this market to organisations and end-users. Including a more participatory development approach may ensure progress towards a more "sustainable" and "real needs"-based market, with products that take long-term considerations into account.