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Addresses the implications of a research project that examined Postgraduate Certificate in Education (PGCE) students' understanding of citizenship in United Kingdom primary and secondary schools using a questionnaire and interviews. Explores students' attitudes related to social, political, and moral issues and examines how these affect their perceptions of the socio-political dimension of their professional role. (CMK)

Argues that the decline of informal systems of restraint and the rise of political correctness suggest a new moral order that bodes ill for Western civilization. Describes historical restraint systems within English society, discussing what Anglophones inherited from the past (a dynamic system capable of development as it responded to changes in moral sensibility, evolving from the moral to the managerial). (SM)

Both vernacular security studies and critical terrorism studies (CTS) offer constructivist analyses of security couched in understandings of security speak. However, neither adequately take account of the ways in which social media presents important opportunities for greater insight into how terrorism is constructed. This study analyses tweets posted after the 2017 Manchester bombing, exploring how jihadist terror attacks are constructed on social media. To do this, we combine social network analysis, as a sampling method, with discourse analysis. The study finds that Twitter provides a platform for diverse terrorism discourses to be expressed and contested. This indicates a literate lay audience within post-attack narratives, self-aware of dominant social constructions of "Muslim terrorism". Indeed, it suggests an audience that, on Twitter, is hardly only audience but seeks to speak security itself. Insights are gleaned with respect to depicting, defending, and critiquing Muslims, constructing what it means to be a terrorist, portrayals of victimhood, and how terror events feed into broader critiques of "political correctness" and "liberal" politics. Therefore, the analysis also provides further insights into the portrayal and (self-)positioning of Muslims in the wake of a jihadist attack and nuances accounts of Muslims' securitisation qua terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of political correctness gone mad has re-emerged in the last decade as a major interpretive framework in the media, routinely drawn upon by conservative journalists and politicians. This article examines not only the arguments mounted by conservative critics of political correctness but also those presented in an influential television program in the UK entitled "Has Political Correctness Gone Mad?" Presented by a prominent figure with considerable experience of anti-racism, the program argues that political correctness (PC) has become so pervasive that it has regrettably been responsible for Brexit and the success of populist politicians such as Donald Trump. These arguments, which turn out to be closely related to those of conservative critics, are critically examined and found not only to be flawed but deeply misleading. It is not a PC discourse that is dominant but an anti-PC discourse which holds sway. An anti-PC discourse not only facilitated Brexit and the rise of populism but also comprises an ideology which de-legitimizes an agenda concerned to promote social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper asks whether the UK can maintain its insolvency and restructuring pre-eminence post Brexit i. e. after Britain's departure from the European Union (EU). In the past 20 years or so, the UK is said to have become the insolvency and restructuring capital of Europe or in less politically correct terms, the bankruptcy brothel of Europe. In part, this is because of the European Insolvency Regulation which provides for automatic recognition of insolvency proceedings opened in a EU Member State in the other EU Member States. Such proceedings may make provision for the discharge of debts and the restructuring of financial obligations.The specific insolvency law regime is part of a more general European Private International Law framework. With Brexit, the UK has now left this framework without any negotiated replacement agreement, a so-called 'skinny' Brexit. The loss of the ability to deal with insolvencies and corporate restructurings through a single process, with automatic recognition across the EU, may make it more complex, lengthy and expensive to resolve cross-border cases. It gives rise to the prospect of parallel proceedings in different jurisdictions. The paper also addresses how any disadvantages associated with the 'skinny' Brexit may be alleviated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Britain's unexpected vote to leave the European Union (Brexit) in June 2016 has proved divisive and damaging both within the United Kingdom and internationally. Across two correlational studies, the current research proposed a model to explain the Brexit vote, with attitudes to immigration and willingness to disagree (WD) as direct predictors of the referendum result, and internal (IMS) and external (EMS) motivation to respond without prejudice as indirect predictors. Study 1 (N = 353) and Study 2 (N = 363) both showed good fit with the model and, respectively, explained 48% and 46% of the referendum result. More positive attitudes to immigration predicted a vote to remain. Higher IMS and lower EMS predicted a vote to remain, fully mediated by attitudes to immigration. In Study 1, lower WD also predicted a vote to remain, both directly and indirectly via attitudes to immigration, although this was not replicated in Study 2. These results are discussed both in relation to the Brexit result, and the implications for motivation to respond without prejudice, WD, and political correctness more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Platform capitalism in its own way adopts tools used at the end of the last century by powerless people to make their critical voices heard by means of boycotting as well as alternative cultural proposals, and turns gender issues into ethnic ones. It destroys class solidarity (typical of manufacturing capitalism) by transforming people into social users where ‘one is worth one’ and the important ‘commodity’ they produce are personal data. It also creates communities essentialized as ethnic groups: i.e. the queer and the transgender communities, who are no longer individuals with a sexual preference, but groups that claim rights and protections superior to and different from those of others. We propose here to demonstrate how the process of ethnicization in the Anglo-Saxon countries, and in particular in the USA, Canada and Great Britain, is spreading to other advanced countries by the way of the culture of the politically correct and is ethnicizing them through the cancel culture. In the LGBT+ area this ethnicization has extended to reach a legal and linguistic occupation of territories that tends to the cancellation of (biological) women not only from the public sphere but, in perspective, even physically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study seeks to identify the main tendencies in the use of politically correct language from the linguocultural and pragma-linguistic perspectives. The paper offers an overview of the ways in which political correctness is expressed in the British and American political discourse. The study is corpus-based; the contexts illustrating theoretical hypotheses are borrowed from three large-scale corpora of the corresponding variants of English (British National Corpus, Corpus of Contemporary American English, and Hong Kong Baptist University Corpus of Political Speeches). The study relies on the linguo-cultural and pragma-linguistic paradigm supplemented by discourse analysis. Research results indicate that British and American political discourse has both general and culture-specific features. Speakers from both the USA and the UK tend to refer to milestone events their audience is well-acquainted with. They use a wide array of general notions, as well as specific terms and set expressions depending on the impression they wish to make on their listeners. American politicians appear to be inclined towards using less formal lexis such as 'opposing the nation's enemies' and 'political rivals', whereas their British counterparts tend to choose more formal terms and expressions. Modern political discourse is characterised by continuity: it is inextricably connected with the previous stages in its development, while at the same time acquiring new peculiarities and taking new forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The adoption of Black, Asian and Minority Ethnic children has long been deeply controversial in the UK, with tensions over racial/ethnic matching and transracial adoption into white families respectively. Media organizations have been key participants in these struggles, as commentators but also campaigners, yet there has been negligible research into their framing of the issues. This article explores press coverage in five national newspapers (plus Sunday sister papers) of the coalition government's adoption reform programme. In particular, it focuses on patterns of deracialization and racialization of debates as they relate to identities, family dynamics and wider social currents with respect to race and ethnicity. While in some senses adoption represents a complex and atypical case study, coverage nonetheless reveals a powerful combination, simultaneously downplaying the significance of race, while amplifying the threat posed by ethnic matching. Findings are discussed in relation to the concept of "moral panic". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the 2016 British EU referendum and the domestic debates through citizens' voices in the media, specifically on the emotions and narratives, on The Guardian, The Daily Telegraph and The Daily Express, the week before the referendum. British citizens felt, in their words, "bullied because of [their] political correctness" and pointed their anger and dissatisfaction against the EU (and Merkel's) "obsession for open borders". The analysis underlines that these emotions and narratives, combining immigration and sovereignty, have remained embedded in the post-Brexit days, and go back not just to Billig's banal nationalism (1995), but show that voting Leave represented respect towards true British values, the "core country" as conceptualised by Taggart (2000). Powellism (Hampshire 2018) and Wright's "encroanchment" of Englishness (2017), and the analysis on the immigration narrative explain how anti-immigration and sovereignty discourse is persisting and is influencing the social and political relation of Britain with Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although media influence has long been recognised within adoption, there has been relatively little research into the nature of coverage. This article focuses on press articles from five UK national daily newspapers and their Sunday sister papers in the years 2010‒2014. This broadly coincides with the period of Coalition Government in the UK and its focus on adoption reform. Findings reveal strong support for the Government's reform programme, its rationale within child welfare and many of its specific measures, but with some contrasts between individual newspapers and critical comment found almost entirely within one pairing. Particular themes concern excessive bureaucracy and politically motivated opposition to adoption. Race and ethnicity emerge as the most frequently covered issues, dominated by critique of barriers to transracial adoption. Principal themes are often developed with inaccurate, misleading or exaggerated reporting, which in turn raises the question of how adoption agencies might respond to this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a recorded speech by Nigerian playwright and poet Wole Soyinka for the 2014 International Humanist Award he received from the nonprofit British Humanist Association. The topics of the speech include humanism, religious extremism, political correctness, and the promotion of Christian faith.

After the death of a black person in custody, information on the circumstances in which it occurred is hard to come by. The police force, as of nature, closes ranks, releasing statements to the press, which can misinform about the victim. The UK’s press colludes with this, failing to properly investigate the role of the authorities in a suspect’s death. The author focuses on the case of Joy Gardner, who died following a deportation raid in 1993. Following her death, the press presented her as a violent, aggressive ‘illegal immigrant’. Gardner’s case shows how the press constructs a Black folk devil, and in so doing can serve to justify police brutality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

No aspect of British counter-insurgency has been more problematic and controversial than the doctrine of minimum force. This common law principle provided ambiguous guidance for soldiers and police quelling unrest within a global empire and has become the subject of intense scholarly debate in the post-imperial era. The argument divides academics into two broad camps. One group sees minimum force as a vital element of a largely successful, uniquely British approach to counter-insurgency. The other claims that the legal principle never really restrained British security forces and considers the British approach to counter-insurgency neither unique nor particularly successful. This debate appeared in an exchange of views between John Newsinger and the current author in a 1990 volume of Small Wars and Insurgencies and more recently in a similar but lengthier argument between Rod Thornton and Huw Bennett in the same journal between 2007 and 2010. Such disagreements are of course endemic to academic discourse. This one, however, seems to be about more than history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers an analysis of the language used to refer to special education needs (SEN) students particularly in Great Britain to emphasise the idea of political correctness. The impact of politically incorrect language on children's education is discussed. The use of invectives towards SEN people including those with autism, mental illness and sensory processing disorder is tackled. Examples of common invectives used in Great Britain are provided.

This article explores the extent to which prisoners in the UK and Republic of Ireland are permitted to leave prison to join their families for the Christmas festivities. It is argued that the willingness to allow such absences provides insights into divergent penal policies and contrasting socio-cultural attitudes towards prisoners and imprisonment (and, tangentially, the meaning of Christmas). In the Republic of Ireland the use of temporary release (TR) for Christmas - although in decline - has been largely uncontroversial. Even when addressing prisoners who fail to return at the end of their leave, press coverage tends to be discreet and factual. Very different in style and tone are newspapers in the UK which tend only to report prisoner release schemes if the stories can be linked to themes of recidivism, pampered (and dangerous) prisoners and misplaced political correctness. Here the granting of a taste of freedom is characterised by a strong belief in the 19th-Century principle of 'less eligibility' and the implication that prison inmates are an undeserving underclass who should be shown no goodwill at any time of the year. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the role of the fatwa in British history and society and its vital role in supporting racism. It reports on the defense of free speech against racism and political correctness. It mentions several books and albums featuring the role of fatwa and its suppression including "The Satanic Verses," "The Black Album," and "The Bullies."

The article examines the history of the play "The Eunuch" (or "Eunuchus") at the Westminster School during the 18th and 19th centuries. During this period the performance experienced censorship of aspects that were determined to be detrimental to the morality of the students performing the play as well as the audience. The author provides quotes from performance reviews in the newspaper "The Times," that address the issues of morality and censorship.

This article focuses on the complex negotiations undertaken by professional feminist women in Britain with the discourses of anti-sexism, 'political correctness' ('PC') and sexism, specifically in relation to their choice of titles and surnames. Rather than seeing these discourses as sets of permissible or forbidden practices or lists of words/phrases, I have preferred in this article to adopt a theoretical position, based on the work of Pierre Bourdieu, which tries to see these discourses as hypothesized positions with which many women negotiate (Bourdieu, 1999). Thus sexism, anti-sexism and 'political correctness' must be seen, not as separate discourses functioning in isolation from the others, but as all working at the same time to define the limits and possibilities of the others. The pressure exerted by the interaction of these three positions seems to be 'played out' on key words or phrases which function as sites of struggle, and which seem to define what can be seen as these women's social identities, constructed as they are within a variety of different communities of practice, each with different alignments with sexism, anti-sexism and 'political correctness'. The question of which surname and title to use is one of those sites of struggle for many women who have some affiliation with feminism. Particularly in the present post-modern moment, rather than seeing feminist interventions in relation to discursive practices as concerned simply with reforming sexism, this article argues that, in addition, many feminists are concerned with appropriating practices which might be viewed as sexist and inflecting those practices differently, making them work for them, thus leading to potential changes in the ways that those practices are viewed in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores discourses of 'political correctness' ('PC') in a corpus of articles gathered from three broadsheet newspapers in the UK between 1994 and 1999. Using the software package WordSmith Tools (Scott, 1999) two types of analysis were undertaken: first, a numerical count of so-called 'PC-related terms ('political correctness', 'politically correct', etc.) in each of the three newspapers; and second, a compilation of the 'keywords' which occurred most frequently within the corpus in relation to the term 'political correctness'. Our study reveals an overall decline in the use of 'PC'-related terms throughout the period in question, but suggests some interesting shifts in the way in which discourses of 'political correctness' have been drawn upon as a means of framing debates over the British Labour Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on political correctness in institutional racism and ideology under the Blairite rule in Great Britain. Comparison of social policies between the Thatcherian and Blairite administration; Impact of the Macpherson report on politics and government; Right and left-wing press views on a political inquiry.

This paper is concerned with examining the extent to which there is a geographical divide in the academic study of foreign policy analysis. Accepting that there are diverse approaches to that study in the academic communities of the United States and the United Kingdom, this paper argues that it is possible to distinguish between two ideal-types, each exemplified in one of the two communities. This paper outlines these-an American approach based on a desire to construct general theories of foreign policy behaviour, and a British approach which stresses the need for case- studies and eschews the possibility of general theory. The reasons for the development of these two approaches are then discussed, linking the study of foreign policy to the wider political arena, and the general academic orientation of the two countries. Finally, it assesses the possibility of arriving at a synthesis of the two approaches. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of local political recruitment has received little attention in Britain. This paper begins with a justification for research in this area along with a discussion of the concept of political recruitment. From this examination the paper proceeds towards specifying those aspects of political recruitment which need to be investigated if we are to understand it as a dynamic process. Finally, some preliminary findings are presented of the factors associated with the political recruitment of Labour Councillors and the implications of the type of Councillor for political attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents predictions concerning the future of museums in Great Britain. It explores some changes in museums, including the profile of visitors and the importance given to visitors' experience. Moreover, it predicts that museums would face future challenges in ethnicity and political correctness. It then suggests that museums should have a committed image and should be able to fulfill its role in society.

The contemporary politics of sexual harassment on university campuses in the U.K. and the U.S. is considered in the light of "political correctness" debates. Threats to natural justice are discussed in relation to the different assumptions concerning men's and women's subjectivity in a representative university sexual harassment policy document. An alternative analysis in terms of multiple, non-unitary gendered subjectivities, taking into account unconscious intersubjective dynamics, is illustrated through a case example. The political implications of this analysis are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author reflects on a case brought before the Nursing and Midwifery Council (NMC), of nurse who was suspended pending an investigation for offering a prayer to a patient in Great Britain. He is critical on the issue of how a positive act of a caring nurse can be considered as a breach of nurse, Caroline Petrie's professional code of conduct. He argues that the issue is political correctness which have gone too far.

This article reports that a five-year-old girl's passport application was rejected in Great Britain because her photograph showed her bare shoulders. Hannah Edwards's mother, Jane, was told that the exposed skin might be considered offensive in a Muslim country. Edwards expresses disappointment with British officials and says that the government is pandering to political correctness.