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The concept of coming to terms with the past originated in post-1945 West Germany but such historical therapy is evident in all the belligerent countries. In that process, the two world wars are intricately connected, each seen refractively through the prism of the other. This article focuses on Britain whose national obsession with the two world wars is particularly acute. The first and second sections suggest that British public discourse has been able to construct a satisfying narrative of 1939–45 but not of 1914–18, meaning a narrative that has both a clear beginning, middle, and end and also a stark moral meaning. Viable narratives draw on the events themselves, the words used to conceptualize them, and the interpretations of 'instant' histories and memoirs. The third section argues that the elevation of 1939–45 in national discourse as our ‘finest hour’ (Churchill) has aggravated the problematic nature of 1914–18 for the British. In the wake of Brexit, the last section argues that Britain – unlike France and Germany – has found it difficult to move on from the era of the two world wars by locating these conflicts in a more positive narrative of the twentieth century as the eventual triumph of European integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a report from a May 28-29, 2015 conference in Potsdam, Germany on structural economic policies since 1960. Topics of presentations delivered included the economic influence of industrialization in postwar Great Britain, protectionist American industrial policy in the 1960s and 1970s, and Greek perspectives on European integration and industrial policy.

While immigration situations in France and Britain are often contrasted to each other, they are not mutually closed systems. This article asks to what extent anti-racist movements in the two countries interacted with each other between the 1960s and 1990s. Although one could be forgiven for thinking that the two operate in parallel and mutually incomprehensible universes, it suggests that there has been more exchange than meets the eye, by examining case studies ranging from the Mouvement Contre le Racisme et Pour l'Amitié entre les Peuples to the magazine Race Today, and the trajectories of individuals from Mogniss Abdallah to John La Rose. Though less immediately apparent than those from across the Atlantic, influences occasionally, at times surreptitiously, crept across the Channel. Nevertheless it concludes that this specifically Anglo-French form of transnationalism became more developed after, rather than during, what is classically considered the heyday of transnational protest in the 1960s and 1970s. It also argues that despite the much-vaunted French resistance to the 'Anglo-Saxons', influences in anti-racism in fact flowed more readily southwards than northwards across the Channel. From 'Rock Against Police' to the International Book Fair of Radical Black and Third World Books, there seems to have been an increasing willingness among some elements in anti-racism in France to allow a seepage of British ideas. By contrast, attempts to transplant French ideas, such as SOS Racisme, in the UK appear contrived, and only succeeded when the French influence was not made explicit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the membership of Great Britain in the European Union (EU) in light of the history of British politics since the nation's 1973 accession to the European Economic Community (EEC), an EU predecessor, in 1973. Topics include the role of former British Prime Minister Edward Heath in EEC accession, the relation of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher's free market beliefs to continued European integration, and challenges facing British Prime Minister David Cameron.

This article examines the impact of European integration between 1961 and 1975 on national and imperial consciousness in Britain. It suggests that the end of imperial sentiment that was brought about by greater involvement in Europe did not produce a strong or deep attachment to the idea of European integration. Arguments about the need for European integration to transcend war in Europe tended to reinforce a sense of Commonwealth commonality for the British rather than a sense of European commonality. Although the Empire and Commonwealth had become a mere source of nostalgia in British consciousness by 1975, the weak support for European integration continues to condition British attitudes to European integration to this day. Indeed, in the current Eurosceptic climate, the Dominions are making a return to British political consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented that discusses the work of economist Lionel Robbins as a public intellectual under the category of political economy. Topics include his opposition to British protectionism during the Great Depression, his views on British monetary policy, and his opposition to European integration after World War II. His role as an advisor to multiple British governments is addressed.

The article discusses press commentary on the subject of European integration in newspapers published in Great Britain, the Netherlands, and the Federal Republic of Germany in the 1950s, focusing on the interplay between national stereotypes and characteristics in shaping views of the respective neighboring European countries and of the process of postwar European reconciliation. The author understands the opinion pieces and editorials he analyzes as windows onto the broader political cultures in the three countries. Events examined in detail include the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC/EGKS), the failed establishment of the European Defense Community (EDC/EVG), and the Treaties of Rome that created the European Economic Community (EEC/EWG).

The article reports on a conference on the historical context of the role and actions of Germany in the European Sovereign Debt Crisis, held on April 27, 2013, in Bonn, Germany. Topics discussed included the foreign policy of the German federal government between 2008 and 2012, the history of European integration and the problem of democratic legitimacy with the European Union, and public opinion about German policy in France, Great Britain, and Poland.