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Politicians and mainstream media in the EU, UK, and US regularly emphasize the need for highly skilled migrants, but, over the last few decades, the terms and conditions for these highly skilled migrants have changed drastically. As part of the neoliberal migrant control regime, highly skilled migrants are brought to countries under very restrictive conditions. They work and contribute taxes but have few to no political rights. Based on data on highly skilled Indian migrants in the US during the pandemic, we argue that highly skilled "nonimmigrants" are placed within a thicket of laws and policies that act as enclosures, but these seemingly neutral enclosures remain "hidden in plain sight" because of the silence about their near‐indentured life conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politicians and mainstream media in the EU, UK, and US regularly emphasize the need for highly skilled migrants, but, over the last few decades, the terms and conditions for these highly skilled migrants have changed drastically. As part of the neoliberal migrant control regime, highly skilled migrants are brought to countries under very restrictive conditions. They work and contribute taxes but have few to no political rights. Based on data on highly skilled Indian migrants in the US during the pandemic, we argue that highly skilled "nonimmigrants" are placed within a thicket of laws and policies that act as enclosures, but these seemingly neutral enclosures remain "hidden in plain sight" because of the silence about their near‐indentured life conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Parlamento Studijos is the property of Parlamento Studijos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Why has the Labour Party in Britain been unable to take advantage of the historic opportunity presented by the global financial crisis to press its case for radical socio-economic reform? Why, despite more than a decade of Tory austerity and genuine signs of social crisis, does it find itself behind in the polls to a Conservative Party openly committed to shrinking the state and providing further tax cuts to the rich? In this short article, we reflect upon the history of the political left in Britain, and suggest that the liberalization of the left – and the long-running marginalization of the working classes, their concerns and their real-world experiences – reveals an underlying antagonism that is driving many voters supportive of interventionist economic policies but suspicious of the left's cultural agenda into the hands of the political right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the most passionately contested issues in the aftermath of the UK's decision to leave the European Union in the June 2016 referendum concerned the standing of EU citizens residing in British territory. This article addresses this question from the perspective of normative political theory. Connecting the issue to recent debates about immigrant rights and the political significance of territorial presence, I argue that non-citizen residents should be granted full citizenship of the host state rather than a mere right to stay. This naturalisation process should proceed automatically in the case of EU citizens in post-Brexit UK, given legitimate expectations on both sides created during the UK's membership in the European Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For many, the "Trump phenomenon" represents an authoritarian phase of the neoliberal project. For others, it is a manifestation of a broader populist project that is the antithesis of, and arises in part as a reaction against, neoliberalism. Across Europe, political parties hitherto identified with the Far Right and thus beyond the margins of "respectable" politics have sought to reinvent themselves as legitimate voices within this populist framework. The UK "Brexit" vote and the policies of the May administration further suggest a coalition emerging around the Far Right and those on the nationalist wing of conservatism, putting them at odds with the neoliberals and neoconservatives who have dominated the political Right for some time, and who have been the principal drivers of capitalist globalization. This begs the question—does the new populism signal the end of the globalization project? And what, if anything, can the Left do in response? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the voluntary withdrawal of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland from the EU impacts the guarantee of the rights of the citizens from EU already living in the United Kingdom, the rights of British citizens living in other EU Member States, that must be secured in the context in which the loss of European citizenship is inherent to British citizens (accompanied by the loss of political rights, the right to vote, the right to stand as a candidate, etc.), followed by other rights after the end of the transitional period such as freedom of movement, recognition of professional qualifications, family reunification, etc. Some of the main ongoing initiatives and actions (e.g. the UK-EU withdrawal agreement) on citizens' rights are being analyzed to see if all these measures are a qualitative leap towards a controlled, step-by-step exit to protect the rights and stability of the citizens affected by Brexit, or, on the contrary, they are small steps that demonstrate that this issue is far from complete, confronting a legal uncertainty that could cause losses and disadvantages likely to prove extremely dangerous to citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito da Cidade is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The United Kingdom's relationship with the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) has been historically fraught. This article examines this relationship with a view to understanding how the United Kingdom's conceptions of human rights protection, both domestically and in Europe, shape its willingness to comply with ECtHR judgements. The article argues that the U K maintains a sense of a distinctly 'British'--as opposed to 'European'--rights culture, based on principles such as parliamentary sovereignty and so-called common sense values. In doing so, the article explores an important analytical gap in terms of understanding the relationship between compliance behaviour and international law, as current theoretical explanations do not necessarily explain how cultural perceptions of rights and law translate into decisions to comply. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Leave majority recorded in England was decisive in determining the UK-wide referendum result. Brexit was made in England. We take this as a prompt to challenge the conventional Anglo- British mindset that animates most studies of 'British politics' and has shaped public attitudes research on the United Kingdom. We explore the persistence of distinctive Eurosceptic views in England and their relationship to English national identity prior to the referendum. We then model referendum vote choice using data from the Future of England Survey. Our analysis shows that immigration concerns played a major role in the Brexit referendum, alongside a general willingness to take risks, right-wing views, older age, and English national identity. Therefore, Brexit was not just made in England, but Englishness was also a significant driver of the choice for Leave. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes up Arendt's 'aporetic' framing of human rights as well as Rancière's critique and suggests that reading them together may offer a way to re-envision human rights and human rights education (HRE)-not only because they make visible the perplexities of human rights, but also in that they call for an agonistic understanding of rights; namely, the possibility to make new and plural political and ethical claims about human rights as practices that can be evaluated critically rather than taken on faith. The paper contributes to ongoing discussions about the need for a renewal of HRE by suggesting that the paradoxes of human rights-such as the disparity between the reality of the human condition and the abstract ideal of human rights-can be politically and pedagogically invigorating by rethinking human rights in agonistic terms and formulating more robust practices of HRE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scotland in 2014 and 2015 provides an ideal context for examining EU citizenship political rights as established in the Maastricht Treaty of 1993 from the perspective of Polish migrants resident in Scotland. We argue that the contrast between Polish migrants’ full enfranchisement in the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014 to then being disenfranchised from the UK General Election in 2015 is a significant site for observing how EU laws interact with state-centric and also ‘post-national’ notions of citizenship. Our participants’ experiences of voting in the Referendum and subsequently not being able to vote in the General Election were articulated in the following terms: (a) the justification of their political rights in terms of their stake and contribution in the UK; (b) their frustrations with regards to anti-migration rhetoric and the limitations of European citizenship; and for some, (c) their plans of apply for British citizenship in the context of EU membership uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 1760s, the question of parliamentary reform in Britain concerning the amendment and extension of suffrage was an important topic of differing intensity. It was a so-called extra-parliamentary movement which endeavoured to reach its objective by means of petitions. The right to petition was an important part of British basic rights contained in the Bill of Rights of 1689. However, the radical reformers of the 1790s who demanded parliamentary reform differed in objectives from their predecessors. The aims of the new radicals were annual parliamentary elections and universal suffrage. Their objective was to achieve parliamentary reform by legal and constitutional means, while openly rejecting violent revolutionary methods. Membership consisted mainly of the working class, with unlimited entry to these strictly organised societies. These societies were so unique precisely because they rejected political exclusivity. The topic of my work is focused on the period of the Edinburgh Conventions which were held three times between 1792 and 1793. Their aim was not to replace the British Parliament with a new legislature according to the French example, but an endeavour to act together on a plan of reform and then to draw up a petition to Parliament. Nevertheless, the last Convention was forcibly dissolved by local authorities and their leading members were brought before a court and sentenced to fourteen years' transportation in the subsequent political process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Austerity measures have raised multiple human rights concerns. However, limited attention has been paid to their conformity with civil and political rights, particularly the absolute prohibition of torture and other ill-treatment. In the United Kingdom, a punitive approach has characterized many welfare reforms, particularly a system of conditionality for claimants followed by sanctions in case of non-compliance. This has resulted in adverse consequences, including anxiety, financial hardship, health problems and suicides. The jurisprudence of regional and national courts provides useful guidance on the circumstances under which such measures breach the prohibition of ill-treatment. The article argues that minimum core obligations identified by the United Nations Committee on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and notions of basic needs and dignity help identify the limits of policy-induced suffering under Article 3 of the European Convention on Human Rights. A clearer understanding of applicable standards has important implications for individuals seeking legal recourse against austerity measures and for policy makers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores local government engagement and communication with citizens in one of the UK’s largest cities from the perspective of a range of actors involved in the engagement process. We establish that a variety of interpretations and contested meanings of engagement exist among professionals involved in different spheres of public engagement. These meanings have different outcomes for the potential voice and influence given to citizens in the city’s democratic existence. We explore what the differing motivations behind the council’s communications and engagement strategies mean for the way that the democratic space of the city is constructed and communicated to citizens. We conclude that there is a need for closer integration of engagement and communications strategies. Integral to the success of such strategies is an empirically informed understanding of what public engagement is, and what skills and practices are necessary to engage with citizens successfully, especially in the reconfigured communication ecology to which new media adds a new dimension. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

They may be the new benchmarks for successful political science research, but impact and engagement are often seen by academics as an add-on. Katharine Dommett and Katherine Tonkiss discuss how impact and engagement can be integrated within research projects to maximise their success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on how Irish Chartist leader James Bronterre O'Brien used the ideologies of French revolutionary politician Maximilian Robespierre in an attempt to reform democracy in Great Britain throughout the early 1800s. The author compares the political and social issues taking place in Britain to those that had started the French Revolution. He discusses O'Brien's role in the history of Chartism, explores how he sought to end aristocratic tyranny, and analyzes the impact of the British parliamentary act known as the 1832 Reform Act on democratic suffrage.

This article traces the relationship between women's associations and the British government with regard to the United Nations Commission on the Status of Women (CSW), from its establishment in 1946 to British ratification of the Convention on the Political Rights of Women (CPRW) in 1967. Whilst international women's associations were instrumental in articulating the legitimacy of women's rights as an international concern in the inter-war period, and in securing the establishment of the CSW, appointment to the Commission was controlled, not by these organizations, but by national governments. Whilst many countries selected their delegates from women's associations, the British government rejected this approach and instead selected their delegates on the basis of party political affiliation. These delegates were consequently less interested in the promotion of the international women's rights agenda than in the protection of British interests and reputation. A lobbying campaign by British women's associations worked to secure more expert British representation and to ensure that the British position was more sympathetic to the goals of the Commission. This lobbying was not limited to the question of representation, but included support for the work of the Commission: women's associations and their allies in government urged the UK to ratify the CPRW. This article argues that successful ratification of the CPRW reflected both the persistence of the women involved and also the changing context of both British domestic and colonial rule and the British position on United Nations-sponsored human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The focus of this article is two significant episodes in British labour politics. The first is the Grunwick strike between 1976 and 1978; the second a dispute at Gate Gourmet that began in 2005. In both disputes, women of South Asian origin were the key actors and their legacy has been constructed through striking imagery as one in which against the odds exotic or passive Others became unexpected heroines of industrial struggle. These representations retained their power, despite significant social, economic and political changes in ‘post-Fordist’ Britain, including in the political rights of strikers, and in the participation and position of both women and minority workers in the labour force. Drawing on interviews with South Asian women involved in each dispute, this article challenges these representations and their significance in accounts of the action, documenting the complex, multiple motives of South Asian women involved in labour politics in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Research on regulation has crossed paths with the literature on policy instruments, showing that regulatory policy instruments contain cognitive and normative beliefs about policy. Thus, their usage stacks the deck in favor of one type of actor or one type of regulatory solution. In this article, we challenge the assumption that there is a predetermined relationship between ideas, regulatory policy instruments, and outcomes. We argue that different combinations of conditions lead to different outcomes, depending on how actors use the instrument. Empirically, we analyze 31 EU and UK case studies of regulatory impact assessment (RIA) - a regulatory policy instrument that has been pivotal in the so-called better regulation movement. We distinguish four main usages of RIA, that is, political, instrumental, communicative, and perfunctory. We find that in our sample instrumental usage is not so rare and that the contrast between communicative and political usages is less stark than is commonly thought. In terms of policy recommendations, our analysis suggests that there may be different paths to desirable outcomes. Policymakers should therefore explore different combinations of conditions leading to the usages they deem desirable rather than arguing for a fixed menu of variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young people in Britain are often characterised as disconnected from the formal political process and from democratic institutions. Certainly their rate of abstention in general election contests over the last decade has led to concerns amongst the political classes that they have a disaffection from politics that is deeply entrenched and more so than was the case with previous youth generations, and may in the future become habit-forming. In this article, we consider the results from an online national survey of 1025 British 18 year olds conducted in 2011, and compare these with the results from a similar study conducted by one of the authors in 2002. In doing so, our aim is to assess the extent to which young people's levels of political engagement have changed over the course of the intervening years, and if so, how they have changed. The results from this comparison indicate that, contrary to popular wisdom, today's generation of young people are interested in political affairs, and they are keen to play a more active role in the political process. However, their recent experience of their first general election in 2010 has left them feeling frustrated. Indeed, our study has revealed a considerable aversion to formal, professional politics which is as deep today as it was for the predecessor 2002 youth cohort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on the 2009/2010 British Election Survey to explore the political engagement of young people in Britain in the context of social change. Focusing on political involvement, attitudes and priorities, we examine contrasting generational perspectives in the context of an election centred on a range of issues that had the potential to stimulate the interest of younger voters. While clear generational differences in engagement exist, there are also age-related similarities in attitudes towards involvement. In terms of political priorities, differences suggest a conflict of interests in which generations construct political agendas in ways that reflect an interest in securing personal advantage of their own segment of the electorate at the expense of others. Further, there is a structural problem relating to young people's political participation stemming partly from a lack of effective representation and partly linked to a failure to appreciate the ways in which socio-economic changes have impacted on the lives of the younger generation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reviews the literature on youth engagement in politics. The article develops the argument that much of the research in this area is not set within the commonly understood and widely accepted political science literature on the determinants of voting behaviour in the UK. The article critiques the methodological approach which underpins much of this research, suggesting that in order to gain a real understanding of the dynamics of contemporary youth engagement an understanding of generational influences and differences is essential. I argue that explanations for youth disengagement tend to emanate from two schools of thought: the traditional political science understanding of youth turnout based on life-cycle explanations, or what I term the ‘anti-apathy’ approach, which, I argue, fails to situate young people's political activity within the context of the political life cycle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Young people populate a uniquely strategic position within society in general and particularly in party political debate about the future development of citizenship and the national community. Political parties in the UK have however been historically reluctant to engage with young people or represent their interests in the formulation of policies, instead prioritising older voters. However, the political resonance of issues linked to youth citizenship and democratic engagement has risen recently as political parties have sought to address steep declines in levels of civic and civil activism and the preparedness of young people to vote in elections. This paper explores the emerging party politics associated with such shifts, assessing the extent to which political parties have sought to reform how they engage with young people or reassert traditional modes of citizenship and political participation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Inglehart's postmaterialist theory, a process of value change is taking place in Western societies, where people place increasingly more emphasis on self-expression and postmaterialist values rather than economic and physical security. Evidence shows that postmaterialists are young, affluent, well educated and strongly inclined to carry out extra-institutional political participation. Internet researchers have reported that internet users are mainly young, well educated and affluent, thus denoting a similarity to the demographic characteristics of postmaterialists. The profile of the average British internet user is strikingly similar to those of extra-institutional activists and postmaterialists. Using a non-random sample (N = 500) of young people, this article tests the existence of postmaterialist values in the online realm of Britain and examines if postmaterialism influences online and offline political activity. The findings indicate that extra-institutional is a more popular type of participation among the British youths of this sample, in both offline and online realms. However, postmaterialism is not associated with internet use and is not a statistically significant predictor for offline or online extra-institutional participation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article maintains that there are certain aspects of the UK asylum system which may lead to statelessness-like situations. In order to understand how this can happen, we reconsider Hannah Arendt's concept of statelessness, which entails three losses of home (exile), state protection (basic rights) and having a place in the world (political rights). Through interviews with refused and long-term asylum-seekers in Oxford and London, and one focus group, we examine the impact of negative asylum-application decisions on applicants' access to rights. The main finding of this research is that, when denied state protection, refused asylum-seekers endure an existence not unlike stateless people. This study calls into question the application of key principles of human rights as they relate to refused asylum-seekers, especially the tenets of dignity and non-discrimination, and the right to family life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author discusses the court case Scottish National Party (SNP) v. British Broadcasting Corp. (BBC) in relation to the role of political rights in election broadcasting in Great Britain. She is critical on the impact of broadcasting political debates on parties' electoral fortunes which the SNP did not appreciate. Also investigated is how BBC selected the debate participants.

The aim of this paper is to examine the principles that New Labour has employed in its citizenship and multicultural policies in Britain, and to clarify theoretical locations as well as philosophical rationales of those principles. By deliberative multiculturalism, I mean a set of policies and discourses of New Labour about citizenship and multicultural issues, which emphasizes rational dialogue and mutual respect with firmly guaranteed political rights especially for minorities. New Labour tries to go beyond liberal and republican citizenship practice through enhancing deliberation, the origin of which goes back to the British tradition of parliamentary sovereignty. It also attempts to achieve a one-nation out of cultural cleavages, shifting its focus from redistribution with social rights to multicultural deliberation with political rights. I organize my discussion with a focus on the difference between two theoretical concepts: the relationship between cultural rights and individual equality, and the relationship between national boundaries and global belonging. In the concluding section, I explain three positive developments of New Labour's approach and also four limitations it has faced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay considers differences between citizenship and subjecthood by focusing on British impressment of American sailors during the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars between 1793 and 1815. Some of the subjects considered include the political tracts "Common Sense" and "Rights of Man" by Thomas Paine; the impressment experiences of mariner Samuel Dalton of Salem, Massachusetts; forced migrations; and the British Empire during the Age of Sail.

The article examines the ways in which three common law countries--the United Kingdom, the United States, and Israel--have introduced new rules for the revocation of citizenship that diverge from the traditional common law model. The main thrust of the article is to demonstrate how these new regulations are based on three distinct models of citizenship: citizenship as security, citizenship as a social contract, and citizenship as an ethnonational bond. Instead of critically evaluating each model, the article offers a fourth model for revocation based on the civic notion of citizenship. This model offers a new formulation of the traditional common law duty of allegiance, of its breach, and of the revocation of citizenship as punishment. The article will conclude with the suggestion that this model may be able simultaneously to guarantee the protection of political rights and to safeguard the political community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent archival and experimental research has revealed that women are more likely than men to be appointed to leadership positions when an organization is in crisis. As a result, women often confront a “glass cliff” in which their position as leader is precarious. Our first archival study examined the 2005 UK general election and found that, in the Conservative party, women contested harder to win seats than did men. Our second study experimentally investigated the selection of a candidate by 80 undergraduates in a British political science class to contest a by-election in a seat that was either safe (held by own party with a large margin) or risky (held by an opposition party with a large margin). Results indicated that a male candidate was more likely than a woman to be selected to contest a safe seat, but there was a strong preference for a female rather than a male appointment when the seat was described as hard to win. Implications for women's participation in politics are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Much attention has been paid to British multiculturalism as a good policy response to cultural diversity. However, multiculturalist policies did not develop in a vacuum, and so their formulation and development and ambiguities that accompany them cannot be understood without an excursion into history of decolonisation and immigration policy in Britain. The aim of this article is to provide such a historical background. I will focus on four debates related to immigration: the passage from an empire to a nation state; citizenship and belonging; racialisation of the immigration debate; and the impact of EU integration. Britain's farewell to its empire was never a single, decided move, but rather a gradual, often unwelcome process. For decades the issues of citizenship and belonging were unresolved, as a result, a coherent and fair immigration policy could not be formulated. The fact that political, economic and social rights were bound to subjecthood and not to national citizenship put the Commonwealth immigrants in a special position. On the one hand, it empowered them, in comparison to immigrants in other countries, Commonwealth immigrants were already granted these rights, at least formally, and the struggle for equality was focused on the execution of already existing rights. Despite the fact that all Commonwealth citizens had an equal status, not all of them were equally desired as immigrants. The debates on immigration became de facto debates on whether Britain had to be a land of white people only or it not. As a consequence, the main challenge of immigrant incorporation became understood as establishing good "race relations." Euroscepticism and self-righteousness in the area of immigrant incorporation have mutually reinforced themselves in Britain. The academia helped to create a specific language to frame the discussions and policy solutions, making the British approach even more idiosyncratic, different from other modes of incorporation of immigrants. At the same time, this sense of being different does not prevent British politicians, policy-makers, activists and scientists from promoting the British multiculturalist approach as "the best practice" in managing diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article consists of a short summary of the notable historical shifts that have accompanied the emergence of political science as an academic discipline in the UK. We provide an assessment of the state of the discipline today, focussing upon curriculum developments and quality, student recruitment, the impact of the Research Assessment Exercise, and the UK Political Studies Association’s membership and activities (with particular emphasis on the role of specialist groups and activities, which reach beyond the purely academic community). In doing so we draw upon data from recent surveys, reports and benchmarking exercises to illustrate areas of particular strength within the discipline in the UK and areas where more can be done to facilitate engagement and excellence in both teaching and research.European Political Science (2009) 8, 345–355. doi:10.1057/eps.2009.18 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the British government's defeat in the case Hirst v United Kingdom before the European Court of Human Rights in related to its legislation disenfranchising convicted prisoners. It assesses the government's defiant response to the finding which highlighted political and legal views on the retention of prisoners' right to vote. The various judicial challenges to the statutory disenfranchisement of prisoners in British domestic courts are also discussed.

This paper investigates the degree to which corporate charitable giving is influenced by a firm's internationalization and/or whether it has operations in one or more countries of concern. For a sample of large UK firms, we find evidence of a positive effect not for internationalization per se, but only for a presence in particular countries. In this connection, the salient country characteristic is a lack of political rights and/or civil liberties, and the positive impact on charitable giving is restricted to a presence in only those countries that are, according to Freedom House indicators, most lacking in this respect. Furthermore, our study highlights a mode of corporate response to stakeholder concerns and pressures – offsetting – that is qualitatively different from those suggested in earlier conceptual literatures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses the recent history and possible future of political theory in Britain. Part One surveys the difficulties that political theory has faced. In particular, it focuses on the relationship between political theory and three developments in the study of politics: (i) the divorce of Anglo-American and continental political theory; (ii) the rise of the idea of a political science; and (iii) the tendency to narrow the focus of Anglo-American political theory around the themes of liberalism and justice. In Part Two the article focuses on the nature of both seeing and being seen by political theory. In doing so a conception of political theory is developed that views it as the activity of seeing ourselves reflected with others. Such an account of political theory advances it as (i) a social activity; that (ii) focuses on the importance of understanding; and (iii) involves a perspectivism based around a reflective seeing with others. This opens a space for a pluralistic political theory—a pluralism that reflects both perspectives and change, but one that is always limited by the reality, values and value of others, and the possibility of a shared understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses suffrage militancy in Great Britain. It states that British suffrage militancy remains marginalized in feminist political and cultural theories of modernity, and feminist political philosophy seems to catch up with the new female militancy. Thus, it is stated that suffrage militancy remains a crucial event in the history of feminism without an extensive philosophical or theoretical elaboration and demonstrates a certain failure of thinking and remembrance. It highlights the influential writings of Denise Riley and Joan Scott that are crucial exceptions in this regard as they underscore the implications of suffrage movements for certain unsolved dilemmas of feminist theory today.