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The idea of ‘global Britain’ became a centrepiece of Conservative Party rhetoric in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum. This article examines how this formulation may evolve in the face of renewed conflict over immigration and identity on the British right. It is argued that, in recent years, British conservatism has faced two principal long‐term challenges: first, the challenge of broadening its appeal in an increasingly diverse and multicultural Britain and, second, the challenge of a national populist insurgency emphasising white British (especially English) identity and hostility to immigration and multiculturalism. In this context, it is argued that the term ‘global Britain’ exists in implied opposition to the idea of ‘little England’ and that this binary opposition has shaped the use and reception of the global Britain concept within conservative politics. It is further argued that the usefulness of the global Britain concept relies on its capacity to be a ‘coalition magnet’ linking liberal internationalist ideas to the more nationalist mood of the contemporary British right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the black collective Ceddo Film & Video Workshop set up in Great Britain in the 1980s. Topics include other components of the Black film workshop movement in Great Britain aside from Ceddo, the idea behind the Ceddo workshop, the importance of national identity as the foundation upon which Ceddo was expressly established, and the expression of filmmaking in Britain, the concept of Third Cinema and affinities with continental African filmmakers within the ethos of Ceddo.

Food television offers a new and unique lens on national identity, the Anglo-Scottish relationship, and their cultural representation in contemporary Britain. This article is based on the analysis of three British travelogue cooking shows, first broadcast between 1995 and 2011, about Scotland and its food. The programmes analysed exemplify and reinforce long-standing cultural constructions of the relationship between England and Scotland as sub-state nations of the United Kingdom, as well as illustrating and creating new national scripts, notably in relation to class and gender. These 'homeland' travelogue cooking shows consistently associate Scotland with a defined set of local and traditional foods, closely associated with a Romantic construction of Scotland, its history and landscape. However, the programmes also indicate wider changes in British and Scottish food culture during this period, including the rise of the local food movement and the increasing economic success and cultural confidence of the Scottish food and drink industry. The article highlights the role of celebrity chefs in the cultural construction of contemporary British sub-state national relationships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the media representation of two women who left the west for Islamic State (IS) in the mid-2010s: from France, Christine Rivière, nicknamed "Mamie Djihad" (Granny Jihad); and from Britain, Sally Jones, known as "The White Widow". Both were white, middle-aged mothers, born and raised in their respective countries, who converted late in life and left behind established lives and (adult) children to join IS. While much has been written on the migration of western women to IS territory, scholarship has focused on younger women and girls who have been represented as groomed and vulnerable to IS propaganda. These two "unlikely jihadists" profoundly unsettled commonsense ideas about who was vulnerable to radicalisation, and, more troublingly, their defections could potentially be read as statements on the desirability of life in the west vis-à-vis IS's model. Using Critical Discourse Analysis of leading French and British news media, the article demonstrates how journalists represented both women as always-already outside their respective nations through two key narratives: a gendered discourse of abject motherhood and an intersectional discourse that constructed them as abject inside Others. These narratives worked to suture the ideological rupture caused by these women, who were at first glance typically French/British, by demonstrating that they had actually always been on the margins of the national community and had always been dangerous to the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians have long remarked upon the political significance of the Allied armies from Continental Europe which were established on British soil during the Second World War. Much less attention has been devoted to the implications of maintaining and expanding these forces amid the very particular circumstances of wartime exile. This article examines three aspects of the tension between the imperatives to secure as many men as possible for military service while maintaining the distinctly 'national' character of the force as a whole. The failure to mobilize emigrants and expatriates is examined in the first section, while the second section shows how soldiers could use national identities to their own advantage and pass between foreign armies. The final section examines the far-reaching political consequences of the often-obscured ethnic diversity within the ranks, focusing particularly on Jewish soldiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Paris Commune led to annual celebrations from the labor movement across the globe. This article focuses on those in Britain and the United States from 1871 to the end of the century, exploring how the event's interpretation and function within a community has fluctuated over this period. It discusses the internationalism present in demonstrations as people shed their national identity and joined an internationalist community in celebration each year. It analyzes how the labor movement in each country responded to perceived threats from outside their community in the wake of the Haymarket Affair. It also demonstrates that the Commune was a palimpsest, an event that could be reinterpreted each year to express whatever ideals the movement needed. It was a call to reform and revolution, to hope and despair, and to past and future. The article's analysis of British and American Commune celebrations reveals a rich and evolving community that emphasized internationalism and oppression during a turbulent period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1928 to 1939 the art collector Helen Sutherland rented Rock Hall, a large manor house partly dating from the 13th century and located near the coast in rural Northumberland. Throughout this period, interspersed with regular returns to London, Rock served, in her words, as a 'place of refuge and renewal' for friends, including the painter and poet David Jones, curator and collector Jim Ede and artists Ben and Winifred Nicholson. This, for Sutherland, was a 'greatly loved landscape of seashore, hills, saints, legends, birds and all the friends who came there'. Such a perception of the relatively unpeopled rural north of England is important, not simply in terms of Sutherland's experience, but as it speaks to wider interwar contexts of modernism and modernity, rurality and notions of regional and national identity. With a processual and relational understanding of place, I consider the nature and implications of Helen Sutherland's art collection and her form of collecting, the character of her social and cultural networks and the extent to which patronage itself can contribute to a production of place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We put forward differences in the form of national identity across natives as a key mechanism explaining the sharp public divide on immigration issues. We show that inflows of migrants into local areas can be harmful for the self-reported well-being of natives, but this is only true for natives who self-identify with an ethnic form of national identity. On the other hand, we provide some evidence to suggest that immigration may be utility enhancing for natives with a civic form of national identity. We also show how differences in national identity significantly predict voting preferences in the UK referendum on European Union membership where concern with immigration issues were a salient factor. Drawing on identity economics, our proposed explanation is that for natives with an ethnic form of national identity, any positive economic benefits associated with immigration may not be enough to outweigh losses in identity-based utility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study is devoted to the multilayered and controversial problem of multiculturalism, in the context of national identity in the territory of modern Great Britain. The article deals with the problems of the transformation of the linguistic and cultural components of the life of the country, and the perception and acceptance of ethnic diversity by the population of Britain. Particular attention is paid to the emergence of new varieties of the English language - ethnolects and multiethnolects, resulting from the relationship between different ethnic groups in the context of multiculturalism. In the article, the author gives examples that testify to the fiasco of multiculturalism and reflects on the social and linguistic aspects of the process of integrating non-racial, non-religious migrants into European and, in particular, English society. The paper considers such a phenomenon as the "cancellation culture" of the white race. The questions of the formation of a hybrid identity are touched upon, as well as concerns are expressed about the possible negative impact of the osternization of Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Researchers have shown that it is common to use nationalist appeals when marketing food products. Research has also shown that geographical places play an important role in creating feelings of national identity and national belonging. To a much lesser extent, research has shown how these "places" are represented and reproduced in the packaging of food products in specific national environments and to an even lesser extent, compared these representations and reproductions. In this article, using multimodal critical discourse analysis, we examine how butter packaging in Sweden and the UK represents nature in ways that create associations that are linked to the national identity that exists in each country. We argue that commercial interests, through their choice of packaging design, not only exploit cultural and political ideas and values but also reinforce them by connecting to prevailing national sentiments. In times of political and social change, this can be used to strengthen national affiliation and thus ally with political interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The responses in audience letters and in the press to the BBC's 1954 television adaptation of Nineteen Eighty-Four relate it to horror comics and ideas of sadism. This thread can be followed to connect this response to wider concerns with horror comics not just in the United Kingdom but across Europe in the post-World War II period. These concerns related to the fears of American soft power in the post-war world, and the potential effects that soft power would have on national identities. Comics in general, and horror comics in particular, were a useful focus for expressing these fears because of their American origins and because they were considered as products for children, and so as particularly important in forming the future of the culture. The Nineteen Eighty-Four adaptation connected to these fears, and so to the idea of 'horror comics', through its depiction of a depleted United Kingdom serving as a staging post for the forces of a larger power, an image of what some feared was the UK's real post-war status in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The rise of 'new populism' is commonly explained by two opposing approaches known as cultural backlash and economic deprivation. Their antagonism perpetuates a dichotomous understanding of economy versus identity. This article contributes to scholarly attempts to overcome this dichotomy by introducing the concept of economic identity. It suggests to bring 'the economic' back into culturalist explanations as a discursive motif that can be charged with identity and tradition. I argue that shared assumptions about what economic practices, institutions and conventions appear appropriate for the nation can serve the purpose of national identification. A qualitative discourse analysis of almost 400 Brexit campaign documents shows that those in favour of withdrawal and often considered 'populist' did not neglect economic arguments. But instead of relying on brute economic calculus, they referred to Britain's economic traditions and images of a glorious economic past. By linking economic critique of the EU to issues of British heritage, Leave made Brexit a question of national economic identity—a discursive strategy particularly resonating with those economically deprived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1794, when the British volunteer movement began in earnest, to 1802, when the French Revolutionary Wars came to an end, the established clergy preached numerous sermons to volunteer military units throughout England and in parts of Scotland. These sermons sought to articulate a sense of Britishness in such a way as to command more or less universal assent, meaning assent both to the ongoing war effort and to the national enterprise more broadly considered. Volunteers across the country were taught to see Great Britain as a nation chosen by God to stand alone against the onslaught of French principles, and they were encouraged to derive a sense of purpose and meaning from their local contributions to the national struggle. The volunteer sermons bridged the gap between local attachments and national commitments, and in so doing they played a significant role in the formation of a national consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1954, Parliament was divided over Roger Bannister's appearance on an American television programme and how it would portray the nation to the world. This moment, and others like it across the decades, show Bannister to be a significant figure in the collective British identity, and as such, one in need of careful examination. The following work examines statements from both Houses positioning Bannister as synecdoche, a rhetorical device in which a single instance or representative is used as archetype of the larger whole. Findings from this examination revealed two themes: first, Bannister's newfound glory reflected the best of Britain, and second because of the first, his status, and by proxy Britain's status, should be carefully managed. These findings demonstrate the ways in which Parliament used Bannister to idealise, shape, and manage British identity. To conclude, we consider how athletes like Bannister may serve such purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Comparative Education is the property of Chinese Taipei Comparative Education Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Grace Barnes, National Identity and the British Musical" is a monograph that examines British musical theatre from the late 20th and early 21st centuries through the lens of British national identity. The author, Grace Barnes, explores various conceptions of the nation and their associated ideological values, ranging from socialist to conservative. The book analyzes different themes in British musicals, including representations of immigrants, working-class identity, female characters, and nostalgia for the country's past. While the book provides detailed analyses and insights, some critics argue that Barnes' perspective aligns with familiar complaints about the genre's conformity and failure to reflect social realities. Nonetheless, the book offers an engaging and informative read for those interested in the intersection of popular arts and socio-political trends in the United Kingdom and beyond. [Extracted from the article]

This study investigates the importance of group identity as a determinant of cultural resonance in news framing effects research. Two parallel survey experiments were conducted in the United States and Britain; respondents received a news story about a military atrocity attributed to either American or British soldiers during the war in Afghanistan. In one condition, the story contained only basic facts about the incident. In the other, the story included frames reinforcing the national identity of the accused nation, including: (a) downplaying the incident; (b) denigrating the transgressors; and (c) redirecting attention toward positive aspects of the nation. We find that these frames tend to be more powerful when protecting ingroup (versus outgroup) identity. The reason, we argue, is due to their cultural resonance, not simply the factual information that they make salient. More broadly, our results offer important insights into the framing process, illuminating the psychological mechanisms that help explain how cultural resonance can facilitate specific responses among audiences, particularly in response to group identity threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reviewing the historiography of education provides insights into both the past and present of this growing area of research across the UK and Ireland. In the nineteenth century research reveals a close association with national identities. These were often Whig histories that celebrated the present and emphasised the progressive nature of educational development, sometimes characterised by an 'acts and facts' approach. From the 1960s, it is possible to identify a series of revisionist histories, which diversified further in the coming decades and morphed into the familiar patterns that we can identify today: theoretical and conceptual complexity; a concern with inequalities; an eclectic and widening interest in primary sources; a focus on schooling but moving beyond it, for instance to childhood, welfare and literacy; and a (re)discovery of new topics such as the emotions, senses and identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, British troops participated in not one, but two multinational occupations of France. However, although they were central to the military, social, and political history of Great Britain in this period, these occupations have attracted little scholarly attention. Drawing on a wide range of primary and secondary sources, this article examines the experiences of British troops who participated in the occupations of 1814 and 1815–1818. While these experiences were mixed and varied with class and regional origin, in general they reinforced both traditional regimental and emerging national identity, while also enabling British troops to reconcile with – and even learn politically from – their former enemies. Following these occupations, the troops who had participated often found themselves on opposite sides of the political conflicts in Britain and its empire. For those who remained in the military, many of them found keeping the peace in France to be an easier assignment than policing radical unrest in Great Britain and its empire, which relied on similar tactics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The creation of the Scottish Parliament provided Scottish citizens with an additional layer of politicians to represent them. But to whom do constituents turn when seeking help with a problem—councillors, MSPs or MPs? We assess how partisanship, national identity and shared competences affect public perceptions of the governing responsibilities of the UK Parliament, Scottish Parliament and local councils. We find that an individual's national identity considerably affects perceptions of the political powers delegated to Scottish political institutions. We conclude by considering the implications for efforts to further devolve powers to the devolved legislatures in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Small Island Developing States (SIDS) and their diasporas have become key actors in the international arena. This study investigates the issue of how to create rights and obligations for Jamaicans living in Britain that are consistent with their citizenship in both host and home societies, despite their different obligations and responsibilities to home and host nations. Additionally, the study seeks to assess the problem of the conflict, or contradiction, between a new form of nationalism – trans-nationalism – and a controversial form of citizenship – diasporic citizenship. This study is anchored by the theory of acculturation and employs a qualitative methodology based on structured interviews and focus groups. The study finds that while many Jamaicans have found ways to improve their lives in Britain, they struggle to feel a sense of belonging to that country. Secondly, Jamaicans in Britain are racialised and ‘othered’ through stereotypical perceptions regarding their national identities. They find solace in their Jamaican identity to cope with their marginalisation and exclusion in British society. Their diasporic citizenship is leveraged to challenge exclusion in Britain. The study’s main contribution is providing insights into the migratory phenomenon of Jamaica. Overall, the study suggests that there is a continued existence and resilience of a community with a sense of shared belonging to Jamaica. This is a vital resource that needs to be harnessed and engaged with, given the diaspora’s potential to influence British foreign policy towards Jamaica and its role in Jamaica’s development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The controversial events of 2001 (9/11) and 2005 (7/7) have led Britain's media and policy makers to view the proliferation of orthodox Islamic seminaries, Dar-ul-Ulooms (DUs), and their graduates (Ulamaa) with suspicion, further exacerbating the marginalisation of an already marginalised Muslim minority within mainstream British society. Due to ethnic, sociocultural, and religious differences, the identity of Ulamaa in modern-day Britain has become increasingly complex and supposedly contradictory due to the perceived differences between orthodox Islamic values proselytised in DUs and 'liberal' British values. Using an interpretive phenomenological analysis, this paper reports on data collected in 2020 through three in-depth interviews with an Aalim who graduated from a DU in England after 2005. It explores how he constructs and negotiates his religious and national identities. The interviews were undertaken by one of the authors, himself an Aalim, and the paper also provides reflection on the barriers of access to this under-researched group. Data suggest that although DU identity might not contradict British identity, and Islam is not seen as incompatible with British values, the perceived contradictions between DU orthodoxy and British values appear to be conflated with cultural resistances emanating from Britain's colonial legacy in India; the birthplace of DUs. Thus, analysis of the data reveals, through an Aalim's personal voice, issues of identity involving culture, religion, and community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the United Kingdom's referendum on European Union (EU) membership in 2016, a new political cleavage of Remainers and Leavers has developed (Kelley, N. [2019]. British social attitudes survey: Britain's shifting identities and attitudes. (36). National Centre for Research). This paper explores how five pro-Brexit newspapers discursively construct political division in Britain in relation to two key events in the final year of Britain's EU membership: the extension of the withdrawal process past the original date of March, and the introduction of the Benn Act in September. The paper reveals two primary discursive constructions of division in Britain: a divide between incompetent and arrogant political officials and an innocent, suffering public, and an identity cleavage between pro-Remain 'elites' and 'ordinary' Leave-voting citizens. The study argues that the construction of these divisions threatens a collective national identity in Britain at a time when it is most required. It concludes that by apportioning blame for socio-political divisions, the newspapers obfuscate their role in contributing to disunity in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Britain's Christianization of Jamaica imposed a set of organized religious beliefs that excluded manual Black gang-field laborers from its Church of England's religious community. In contrast, the anti-Church of England, the Nonconformist British Christian missionaries, for whom the person was the soul and Christ a "living force," included them as part of Jamaica's Christian community. After Britain left, ideological battles began between Christianity and race as the basis of Black Jamaicans' national identity. This study which covers the period from the seventeenth to the twentieth century, seeks to preserve the Christian identity of manual Black gang-field laborers' descendants. It provides a descriptive and interpretative analysis of the ideological conflicts, contradictions, and ambiguities present in the collective identity of former African slaves in the New World. The main finding observes that the legacy of Nonconformist British Christian missionaries laid the cultural foundation of modern Jamaican national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ever since its incorporation in UK law, the European Convention on Human Rights has attracted hostile press reporting. This study examines how the Human Rights Act, the Convention's UK domestic equivalent, is represented in newspapers in the devolved nations. Its main finding is that, over time, the press there has become more supportive of the Act, deviating from the editorial line adopted by many English national titles. European human rights act as a conduit of the devolved nations' belonging as European nations, making it a potentially important issue in the re-imagining of national identity in the era of devolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarship of popular imperialism has identified annual public celebrations of Western European colonial empires as important tools for the shaping of new 'imperial' national identities. Building on the analyses of British Empire Day and Belgian and Italian colonial days, this article offers the first overview of the French week of pro-Empire celebrations, La Semaine coloniale française, and assesses its reach during the interwar period (1927–1939). In thinking through the fate and transformations of French Colonial Week, from an outdoor public spectacle, to a pale replica of Empire-Day school celebrations (Journée scolaire de la France d'Outre-mer), I will focus on two aspects specific to cyclical vectors of pro-Empire propaganda in Europe more broadly: the transnational context within which they developed between the wars, and their recursive nature. After an account of the event's foreign origins, devolved organisational model and regionally-inflected public celebratory practices, I will examine more closely the two most enduring and wide-reaching traditions that it produced: the Colonial-Week radio broadcasts and school campaigns. Reading La Semaine coloniale française through this comparative and diachronic framework, I will reflect on social, political and logistic reasons why it never coalesced into as ritualised and widely-observed a festival as Empire Day in Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the peculiarities of the process of the national conceptosphere development in Great Britain. It was found that the national conceptosphere is a set of categorized, standardized, processed concepts in the consciousness of the ethnic group. The conceptosphere expands with the enrichment of historical experience, culture of the nation, its art, science and literature. As a result of the analysis of modern linguistic sources it is determined that the main concepts of the British linguistic picture of the world are correlated with the features of the national character of the British. English people usually talk about themselves as quiet, reserved people who are dominated by common sense and who are not inclined to make rash decisions. At the same time, the Scots, Welsh and Northern Irish present themselves as the complete opposite, namely as romantic, impulsive and energetic people. In Victorian era such concept as "Englishness", or English national identity, arose. In that period new traditions, new educational system, and new standards of the English language were emerging. Thus, the political, economic, cultural events and shifts in the history of the British nation at the turn of the XIX and XX centuries led to the formation of the modern conceptosphere of the people. This period in the life of Great Britain gave new meanings to many culturally marked signs embodying the material and immaterial culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this paper is to explore the impact of Brexit on national identities. Particular focus is on British expatriates prior to and in the aftermath of the Brexit referendum held in June 2016 in the sense that Britain's withdrawal from the EU raised concern about their identities in Europe. The paper uses media framing as a methodological tool in order to gain a better understanding of the way British daily newspapers represented British expatriates' worries about Brexit. Corpus of the study, consisting in a selection of 200 articles from the Sun and the Daily Mail, is qualitatively analyzed in a bid to find out the way such newspapers framed Brexit in relation to British expatriates. Media frames are also juxtaposed to Ipsos Mori and YouGov polls dealing with Brexit and related issues to gain a better insight into media effects. Results of the study reveal that media frames seemed to have had a major impact on British expatriates, increasing their concern about their national identity to the extent that some of them decided to apply for another citizenship within the EU to keep their rights as EU citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exceptionalism is the view that one group is better than other groups and, by virtue of its alleged superiority, is not subject to the same constraints. Here we identify national exceptionalism in the responses made by political leaders in the United States and the United Kingdom to the COVID-19 pandemic in early 2020. First, we observe that responses appealed to national values and national character and were marked by a denial of the severity of the situation. Second, we suggest an analogy between national exceptionalism and unrealistic optimism, i.e., people's tendency to make rosier predictions about their future than is warranted by the evidence due to illusions of superiority and control. Finally, we argue that, at the national level, exceptionalism gave rise to an assumption of invulnerability that made for slow responses to the pandemic, and at the individual level, it served as a justification of people's failures to adopt safety behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1980s was a time of discontinuity in the United Kingdom as the country was restructured through an extensive reconfiguration of economic, social and political relations. This shift towards what would subsequently be termed neo-liberalism included the deliberate dismantling of organized labour as a political force, privatization, deregulation, cuts to the welfare state and a belief in the pre-eminence of the market as the most effective processor of information. Test Dept formed in 1981 and evolved politically in the socio-economic context of the early imposition of neo-liberalism. Test Dept's visual art practice contested neo-liberal representation and discourse, opening up space and providing resources for alternative identities and the perpetuation of models of identity based around collectivism and solidarity. This article explores Test Dept's practice, focusing on three aspects of identity that neo-liberalism attempted to restructure: class, gender and national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Where nationality, coupled to minority language, forms a key factor of identities, and there is a history of conflict, it may be difficult for the police to command trust. In north-west Wales, Welsh is the language of the majority. Against the background of historic experiences of exploitation, oppression, and perceived neglect by English authorities, many locals have a negative view of the UK police. But what characterises those who are most in opposition? A total of 283 students at Bangor University participated in a questionnaire study. Results show that students who prefer to communicate in Welsh rather than English are more likely to distrust the UK police. While there are deep rooted tensions based on national identity, the police may gain trust from different sources compensating the cultural divide. They include mass media reports and experiences with the police. Overall however, the results support the group position theory applied to relations between people identifying with different nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The production of beer yields a number of by-product streams, with spent brewers' yeast being the second most abundant in volume. The high nutritional value of spent yeast has seen a large proportion of spent brewers' yeast being used for both food and feed purposes. One of the uses of spent brewers' yeast for human consumption has been the production of yeast spreads, which came onto the market in the early 20th century, first in the United Kingdom and shortly thereafter in the commonwealth dominions, especially Australia and New Zealand. In this research we investigated the national status of yeast spreads in the UK, Australia and New Zealand. We show that a brewery by-product such as spent brewers' yeast is more than a mere novel utilisation of a waste stream but have become inherently associated with national identities of these countries to such an extent that some brands have become iconicised. Furthermore, some yeast spread brands have become a symbol of (inter)national polarisation, purely based on its initial sensorial characterisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There has been a lively debate about the economic and cultural-based drivers of support for populism. This article argues that economic concerns matter, but that they are realized through the relative gains and losses of social groups. Using new survey items in a large representative survey administered in Britain, it shows that citizens' economic assessments of the ethnic minority out-group – in relation to the group's situation 12 months ago and to assessments of the economic conditions of the white British in-group – are a predictor of support for Brexit. The results, which are robust to prior referendum vote, immigration attitudes and cultural sentiment, extend across income groups and national identity strength. Extending the analysis to a comparison of geographic in- and out-groups between local communities and London lends additional support to the argument. The implications of relative group-based economics are important for understanding Brexit and the economic sources of support for populism more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis examines the British government's failure to commit adequate resources to defend the Netherlands from the threat of revolutionary France in the campaigns of 1793, 1794, and 1795. Alongside well-known military and diplomatic setbacks, the inadequacy of Britain's engagement remains best understood by examining ministers' preconceptions of the Netherlands and Dutch national character. These understandings largely derived from British public opinion concerning the Netherlands. The analysis shows that British perceptions of Dutch strength, wealth, and national character led ministers to presume too much of their ally and contributed to limiting their own commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

London's selection as hosts for the 2012 Olympic Games was a significant moment for Britain. It was a chance to reinforce, through sport, a collective and inclusive British national identity. Most international sporting contests draw on English rather than British loyalties and identity constructions. This might have been especially important for members of the large British Asian diaspora, many of whom feel excluded from ethnically exclusive and narrowly White notions of 'Englishness'. This paper is framed within a post-London 2012 period and examines the role of sport in constructing and negotiating British Asian national identities. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with young British Asians in two English cities. For those who rejected an English national identity through sport, the Games presented an opportunity to connect with a more inclusive British version of sporting allegiance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the use and purpose of the nostalgic interventions in the latest Royal Shakespeare musical, The Boy in the Dress, and considers the implications of utilizing a mythologized, rose-tinted past on the creative production of national identity. It questions the meanings which are produced when a government subsidized, national theatre company with an international reputation eliminates the female voice from the stage and represents the United Kingdom as English, predominantly white and middle class. In addition, this article deconstructs the performances of gender fluidity depicted in the show and widens the acknowledged interpretation of cultural appropriation, when applied to race, to include gender. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In "The Crimean War and its Afterlife: Making Modern Britain," Lara Kriegel examines the lasting impact of the Crimean War on British national identity. Kriegel focuses on six case studies, including well-known figures like Florence Nightingale and events like the Charge of the Light Brigade, as well as lesser-known aspects such as travelers to the Crimea and war graves. She explores how these elements have shaped Victorian values and continue to influence discussions about belonging in Britain today. Kriegel's book offers a comprehensive analysis of the Crimean War's legacies and their significance in understanding British cultural identity. [Extracted from the article]

This article focuses on the proxemics, oculesics and tacesics as nonverbal communication peculiarities in the UK parliamentary debates within the scope of parliamentary discourse studies (discoursology) as a new branch of political discourse studies. It deals with studies of metonymy-based language representations of space used to name the MPs in the UK parliamentary debates. Here, the visual characteristics and behavioral patterns influencing MPs‟ role and participation in the debates are highlighted. The paper determines cognitive background and extralinguistic factors influencing the usage of naming models and MPs‟ colour determination in parliamentary debates. Such debates represent the events regardless of the party that gains the majority in the UK parliament in post-Thatcher period. It is concluded that nonverbal communication has become an inseparable part of parliamentary communication, serving as a unique communicative code used by the MPs. The results stipulate further modelling of the parliamentary debates to build their interactive and cognitive models for better insight into the British political life and the British national character. The received knowledge is of particular importance for teaching country studies, history of the UK, political science, and speech communication theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at the trends and success of the sustainable construction industries in the EU member states, the UK and Norway. The research, covering the past three decades, revealed that different quality of life, macroeconomic, human development, construction and well-being factors define the sustainable construction industries in the EU member states, the UK and Norway. A multiple criteria decision matrix was created and analysed to look at the EU member countries, the UK and Norway from the perspective of their macro level environment and construction industries. Assessments of the sustainable construction industries were completed by using the COmplex PRoportional Assessment (COPRAS) and Degree of Project Utility and Investment Value Assessments (INVAR), two analysis methods. A look was taken at the dependencies linking the indicators related to the construction industries and macro level in the EU member countries, the UK and Norway. Then, the multiple criteria analysis of the construction industry's utility degree and performances were completed, and recommendations were generated. A country's perceived image and success can influence the economic behaviour of consumers. By and large, advanced and successful countries rarely become associated with a negative national image and their products and services rarely suffer negative consequences due to such association. This research, then, offers findings that can assist potential buyers in more rational decision-making when choosing of products and services based on a country of origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on empirical data from 37 Bulgarian students and young professionals in the UK, this article explores the intersection of the discourses produced by the European crises and migrants' national identity. In Bulgaria, the crisis narrative is embedded in the arguably never‐ending democratic transition, manifested in socio‐economic instability and political volatility. Simultaneously, "Brexit Britain" is enveloped in strong Eurosceptic sentiments, propelled by a combination of austerity measures and intensified Eastern European migratory flows. Both contexts subject Bulgarian migrants to stigmatizing representations. Looking at migrants' everyday practices, the data reveals that young Bulgarians draw on the related ideas of the "new" Enlightener and Ambassador to counterbalance negative discourses. Thus, the article explores the meanings and significance attributed to the Enlighteners and the Ambassadors, arguing that the participants engage in "social creativity" and "individual mobility" strategies that lead to reinvention of national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article, the author discusses national identity, historical events and national disasters in Great Britain as depicted in horror films. Among the movies are "The Curse of Frankenstein," "The Horror of Dracula," "The Mummy," and "The Curse of the Werewolf." Also cited are the films produced by Hammer Studios, and the 1973 book "A Heritage of Horror" by David Pirie.

One of the often-overlooked legacies of the First World War is how the conflict established the media's role in remembrance. In the years that have followed, media's circulation of iconic images of national and local commemoration have enabled individuals to engage with public remembrance. This article takes a historical approach to First World War remembrance in Britain, looking at how the practices and meaning of remembrance became established, although they were never fixed but instead constantly shifting, reinvented and contested. They are also gendered, in remembrance, as in war, women, are often seen as to be playing supportive roles; yet within media texts, women have always found spaces to exert influence over who is remembered and how, as memories jostle for prominence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the nineteenth century, censuses were instituted throughout the British Empire, obtaining an inventory of the characteristics and skills of the population. They generally included a question on nationality. During the twentieth century, a common British nationality gave way to individual national state citizenships. Some attempts were made to maintain a Commonwealth link, but by the twenty-first century any sense of an overarching Commonwealth identity had been lost. Furthermore, even in the remaining overseas territories and dependencies local residency status replaced a common British citizenship. The introduction of a national identity question further indicated the decline in identification as 'British'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper attempts to explain the relationship between socialism and sport in Britain using a historical and comparative analysis of developments in Europe to identify the particular sociopolitical conditions and processes pertaining in the British case. It argues that a distinctively socialist sports culture failed to develop in Britain due to the interaction between two sets of forces: the powerful economic, political, and cultural constraints that are characteristic of Britain's development, and the character of British socialism's response to those constraints. It pinpoints the ways in which features specific to British socialism disabled socialists from adequately grasping the significance of sport in popular culture, from responding effectively to the way class, sex and gender, and national identities are formed in sporting activity, and from influencing processes of conflict and accommodation taking place around sport between dominant and subordinate groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

He also reframes the question to take into account an observation: that when Britain has pursued policies towards Muslims that are consistent with political liberalism, Muslim groups have responded by moving their ideas and institutions towards liberalism. Islam and the liberal state: national identity and the future of Muslim Britain: by Stephen H. Jones, London, I.B. Tauris/Bloomsbury, 2020 (2022 paperback), 256 pp., £26.09 (paperback), ISBN 9780755635269 However, there are a number of other efforts to create Islamic colleges in Britain that start not from established Islamic-world models but from secular British degree programmes, and Jones lauds these as efforts at bridge-building along "soft" philosophically liberal lines. [Extracted from the article]

The 1999 Immigration and Asylum Act marked a watershed moment for the politics of asylum in the UK, setting the discursive groundwork for the now infamous 'hostile environment'. This article is the first to compare the discursive framings of this formative act by the Home Office and UK government with those of the then newly devolved Welsh political institutions. While exploring the dominant visions of asylum as fear, unease and hostility marking the act, this paper highlights contrasting national narratives and imaginaries of welcome and hospitality in Welsh institutions. Drawing on a discourse analysis of archived policy documents, newspapers and interview material, the paper argues that these emerging hospitable imaginaries constituted a form of Welsh national identity formation against a less hospitable 'Other'- the UK sovereign state. This article contributes to the critical migration literature by questioning if the notion of hospitality involves more than the ambivalent framing of non-citizens as guests and others, or if instead it is more intended to differentiate from sovereign responses to asylum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]