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Purpose: Circular supply chain management (CSCM) is considered a promising solution to attain sustainability in the current industrial system. Despite the exigency of this approach, its application in the food industry is a challenge because of the nature of the industry and CSCM being a novel approach. The purpose of this study is to develop an industry-based systematic analysis of CSCM by examining the challenges for its application, exploring the effects of recognised challenges on various food supply chain (FSC) stages and investigating the business processes as drivers. Design/methodology/approach: Stakeholder theory guided the need to consider stakeholders' views in this research and key stakeholders directly from the food circular supply chain were identified and interviewed (n = 36) following qualitative methods. Findings: Overall, the study reveals that knowledge, perception towards environmental initiatives and economic viability are the major barriers to circular supply chain transition in the UK FSC. Originality/value: This research provides a holistic perspective analysing the loopholes in different stages of the supply chain and investigating the way a particular circular supply chain stage is affected by recognised challenges through stakeholder theory, which will be a contribution to designing management-level strategies. Reconceptualising this practice would be beneficial in bringing three-tier (economic, environmental and social) benefits and will be supportive to engage stakeholders in the sustainability agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Utilizes 111 expert interviews and 50 site visits to examine UK industrial decarbonization. • Explores sociotechnical pathways, capabilities, and learning processes. • Harnesses a challenge-oriented regional innovation systems (CoRIS) framework. • Reflects on deeper issues of incumbency, innovation, and incremental vs. transformative change. Few sectors in the global economy need deep decarbonization as much as heavy industry, which is currently the largest and fastest growing source of global carbon emissions. Based on an original dataset of 111 expert interviews and 52 site visits, this paper asks: what sociotechnical pathways, capabilities, and regional innovation systems are emerging to support industrial decarbonization? It combines and applies insights from evolutionary economic geography and transitions studies, such as sociotechnical capabilities and learning, as well as spatial frameworks such as challenge-oriented regional innovation systems (CoRIS) and green industrial restructuring. It utilizes these collective concepts of pathways, capabilities and CoRIS to explore the organizational and technological, individual, and systems level dimensions of industrial decarbonization efforts ongoing across Great Britain. We find that within industrial net-zero clusters, spatial and technological proximities are being effectively leveraged, especially through new forms of networking, collaboration, and partnerships. CoRIS provides the basis for greater reflection on perennial transitions issues, both within and across clusters, related to incumbency and innovation, in addition to spotlighting emergent issues such as light versus deep green restructuring and incremental versus transformative change. In simpler terms, industrial decarbonization unfolds as a multi-scalar process. Industrial decarbonization exhibits both incremental and transformative patterns of change. Industrial decarbonization lastly involves dynamic processes that coevolve across a spectrum of sociotechnical attributes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports 2019 election campaign was that, when talking to voters about the Green Industrial Revolution. Topic discussed includes Labors that introduced the climate change act in 2008, making Britain one of the first industrial countries to commit to strict targets on emissions and warnings from the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC), and even bodies like the IMF, show that much more needs to be done, much faster, if we are to keep below two degrees warming by 2050.

As industrialism took hold in nineteenth-century England, words like independence and dependence became evermore associated with care work. By paying close attention to the networks of care that implicate fictional characters and readers in Dinah Maria Mulock Craik's Olive and in Charles Dickens's "Doctor Marigold," the article proposes that the relationship between caregiver and recipient of care was "pre-scripted" to silence the already marginalized object of care and identifies a reason for such ineffective care: reciprocal care relations often veil selfish care. Reciprocal care relations also break down at the level of readership, where these authors use form or plot to engage readers in discourses of uneven care. Still, we cannot reject selfishly-motivated care, bound as it is in these fictions to interdependent, high-quality care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the politics of time to explore the making of the industrial middle class. It argues that anxieties about the decline of industry and the future of liberalism at the end of the nineteenth century fuelled a small explosion in life writing, prosopography and popular history. Accounts combined anecdotes about everyday life and reminiscences of the great civic age in a network of texts that attempted to recreate the associational life of the industrial middle class and present it as the foundation of national progress. However, slips in time between retrospection, nostalgia, memory and history reveal the complexity of late-Victorian anti-industrialism and the tensions in liberalism between a political culture that was inclusive and open and a social world that was not. The article combines a deep reading of the autobiography of the cotton magnate and liberal politician Samuel Smith alongside popular local history and collective biography. In so doing it shows how life stories were consciously composed as history, intent on shaping the provincial middle class as a historical force at a time of uncertainty about the future of industry and of liberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the atavistic rebellion among Pre-Raphaelites on the existing artistic orthodoxies and social realism in Great Britain in the 1980s. It explores the bare reality behind the artistic paradigm seek by painters Edward Coley Burne-Jones and John Roydon. It also relates that most of the groups of Pre-Raphaelites have shared a mistrust of modern industrialism.

The idea that the city is a place of sin and immorality is as old as urban civilization. But what does anti-urban thought mean in societies which are highly urbanized under the conditions of modern industrialism? Furthermore, is anti-urbanism in the interwar period a German volkisch phenomenon--one further stride on Germany's special path? And what does rural revival and the “back-to-the-land” cult mean in Great Britain, the first industrial nation? This article seeks to provide an answer to these questions by exploring anti-urbanist writing between the End of the First World War and 1933 in Germany, and 1939 in Britain. By examining two key themes it aims to show that the clear-cut distinction between German anti-urban radicalisation and the West's coming to terms with urbanisation cannot be maintained. Firstly, attention will be drawn to the ambiguity of perceptions of the city in the writings of “Conservative Revolutionary” authors in the Weimar Republic. In a second step, the British “back-to-the-land” movement, whose advocates developed comprehensive anti-urban third-way theories in the interwar period and were themselves part of a broader popular anti-industrial movement and a rural cult throughout the 1930s, will be examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the usual accounts of industrialism's resistless march, what is ignored is the coercive dissolution of whole ways of life that were once promoted as embodiments of virtue, and the associated psychic and spiritual pain resulting from the loss of coherence and purpose in one's life. Even those appointed by capitalism to privileged positions are vulnerable to industrial society's lurches from one mode of being to the next. And, when the young rebel against yesterday's privilege in the name of a new moral order that is itself sanctioned by 'progress', they, more often than not, fail to anticipate that their values, too, will one day be deemed obsolete. Here, a tale of this hidden injury is told through memories of a generation which came of age in the 1950s with a determined zeal to do away with antique prejudices and which committed itself to values of public service that have now been discarded. Will today's children of the market, who embrace the privileging of conspicuous consumption and conscienceless hedonism, also come to be mocked as yesterday's men and women? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses a social model of industrial evolution in Great Britain and the underlying dynamics in the industrial development process. Social and psychological features in the industrial-development cycle impact competition and interorganizational relations. Four stages are identified in industrial evolution--community, informal networks, formal networks, and clubs. The social model differs from other approaches to industrial development--such as cost reduction, innovatory imperative, and ecological perspectives--because it focuses on the social relationships that are created in an industry. The government policy on "sunrise," "sunset," and "smokestack" industries is mentioned, as well as the concept of Gemeinschaft.

The article highlights the painting titled "Iron and Coal," by William Bell Scott. It mentions that Scott developed his antagonism to any form of art that in no way aids advancement. Scott wrote in his autobiography that progress is a law of nature. The author mentions that Scott put his idea of progress in his art especially in his painiting "Iron and Coal." He explains that Scott's painting depicts industrialism and history. The author explains that Scott's art presents growth of manufacturing. Scott also presents social basis of England's industrial economy.

The article explores the industrial innovation in Great Britain. It states that it is how the nation embraces new technology which forms a complete strategy designed for the electronics industry. The author discusses the industrial decline of the nation and mentions that economic growth has been lower since the profitability has decreased in the manufacturing sector. The use of foreign technology through licenses is an index of the industrial revolution. The author concludes that new-market strategies failed to build enough mechanism to support the industrial innovation policy.

It is an unhappy paradox that although late-Victorian and Edwardian Britain was a great industrial nation, the post-Arnoldian public schools largely rejected technological and scientific learning. Certainly within the schools, the majority scorned learning, derided the clever and enthusiastically supported the emphasis on games-playing. Anti-intellectualism, anti-industrialism and anti-commercialism were commonplace. The schools' secular trinity was imperialism, militarism and athleticism.

The article discusses the historical patterns of reaction to urbanism in Great Britain. The article is based on two assumptions. The first is that modern industrialism, as an economic and technological system based on inanimate sources of energy has, or had, an inherent spatial logic, and this logic is expressed in the existence of the industrial city and large-scale urbanization. Second, whilst modern industrialism, as an economic and technological system, results in similar and comparable urban forms, the extent to which the social, physical or spatial forms of such cities differ results from two variables--culture and power. The first part of this article deals with the historical patterns of reaction to urbanism in Britain at the height of the urbanization process in Europe. In the second part, the phenomenon of "temporary escape" from the city and its expression in the institution of the "vacation home," "residence secondaire," "wochenend haus" or "country cottage", a research topic previously monopolized by geographers and conceptualized by one of them as "seasonal suburbanization" is being highlighted.

The article presents information on the emergence of chemistry as an exact science with reference the social aspects in Great Britain and Germany. The innovation of experimental chemistry was made by the mechanism of systematic role-pruning in the 19th century. The expansion of industrialization assisted the theoretical development and research as a full time occupation in Great Britain. Scarcity of career opportunities gave rise to industrialization in Great Britain. The innovators of experimental chemistry attacked the high status profession of medicine.

This article examines the status of social research and social policy in Great Britain during the nineteenth century. There are two highlights in the conventional account of the growth of social policy in the century before 1914. One in the thirties and forties, the other during the administrations of Campbell-Bannerman and Asquith. Such accounts are usually biographical in method, hagiographical in intention and written as histories of legislative landmarks. They present social policy as the practical embodiment of humanitarian zeal flowing from sensitive and anxious Christian consciences. By the time the middle class had been admitted to a junior partner's share in government, the acceleration of industrial development had forced the organization of new methods and agencies for measuring national resources. The rapidly expanding urban environment of industrialism demanded the measurement of human as well as of natural resources. Definition was the essential preliminary to the creation of policies which, for the remainder of the century and beyond, had to escape from the doctrinaire conceptions of the new poor law. This poor law has often been described as the nucleus from which social policy grew.

This article discusses papers submitted to a conference related to labor in Great Britain. The paper "The Labour Aristocracy: Twenty-Five Years After" suggested that some of the recently revived debate on the labour aristocracy was beside the point, since it polemized against a quasi-Leninist view of the origins of British reformism which was not tenable and which some prominent studies in this field had not held. Some of it was part of a wider conceptual discussion about the relations between base and superstructure, economics and culture, class and status. The paper, while accepting the recent emphasis on culture and life-styles, nevertheless drew attention to the economic advantages secured by collective action, which established the labour aristocracy as an aristocracy within and of the working class. Thirdly, by implication rather than explicitly, it was part of a debate about the general nature of the British industrial development and the making as well as: the transformations of the working class within it. The study of the labour aristocracy had increasingly converged with that of the pre-industrial artisans and their fortunes in early industrialism.