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The first British New Left formed in response to a crisis in international and British socialism. Although never a formal movement, its associated members set themselves the tasks of, first, confronting the rapid change transforming social life at both global and national scales, and second, articulating a new political culture able to accommodate the good and resist the bad of it. As part of this process, a series of intense debates took place on the role of the socialist intellectual in stimulating such a culture. In this article, I consider three of the NL's main protagonists, EP Thompson, Stuart Hall, and Raphael Samuel, and the different positions they took on this issue. I argue here that while all made important contributions to the argument, Samuel's practice as an intellectual, currently the least well known of the three, is worth closer attention for its relevance to contemporary educational debates. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of misogyny has been well documented in the existing literature on gender and politics, but studies have tended to focus on men's attitudes and discourses toward women and LGBTQI+ issues. In this article, a less common perspective is adopted: that of scrutinising the discourse of what can be labelled anti‐feminist conservative women intellectuals. The article examines what the author calls the UK #MeToo series and how female conservative intellectuals have reacted to it, rejected feminism and, in doing so, women's emancipation more generally. First, three reactionary anti‐feminist discourses around arguments about victimhood, conflation and fear are identified, followed by a discussion of how these anti‐feminist narratives fit into Albert Hirschman's pioneering work on the rhetoric of reaction, but also how they can enrich it. In relation to this, the article considers two reversal or retaliation strategies used by anti‐feminists, consisting first in presenting men as victims and second, in claiming to ally with women against feminism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1933 and 1939 many British organisations, as well as individuals, who witnessed the rise of Nazi Germany, the implementation of anti-Jewish laws, and growing anti-Semitism, decided to take action. There were numerous attempts aimed at supporting Jews living in the Third Reich, either by providing them with money or by helping them emigrate. This article describes two largest such programmes, i.e. the Kindertransports, and an unnamed action focused on intellectuals, scientists, and artists. The article first discusses the character of both, and then proceeds to explore the question of the character of the migrations presented, as well as the differences between migration and refuge seeking. It concludes with the issue of post-war mobility of the participants of both programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers how a British Christian intellectual group perceived the crises of the 1930s and 1940s as an epochal transformation and sought to restore 'true' freedom to a society dominated by 'materialism' and the loss of 'community'. It sought to make Christianity relevant in new, 'modern' circumstances, asserting the transcendent elements of Christianity while condemning many Christians' refusal to accept 'secular' knowledge and the 'autonomy of the secular' in some spheres of life. Its members were convinced that it would be possible to go at least 'part of the way together' with non-Christians in building a better modernity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

UK students' desire to create disruptive, media-friendly 'events' during the 2010–11 protests against fees and cuts is reflective of wider cycles and processes in student activism history. First, constant cohort turnover restricts students' ability to convert campaigns into durable movements, necessitating that they must periodically 'start from scratch'. This informs a second process, namely the need to gain the attention of mainstream media, as this can potentially amplify students' grievances far beyond their own organizational capacities. Both have shaped student activism over the past 50 years, compelling contemporary students to create protest events that live up to their radical history. These processes were evident in autumn 2010, when an NUS demonstration saw students attack and briefly occupy Conservative Party headquarters at 30 Millbank. The protest's mass mediation was central to activists' 'eventing' processes, and provided the spark for the radical UK-wide campaign that followed. Yet once the fees bill was passed by Parliament, students' dependency on mainstream media cycles was quickly exposed. With 'mediatization' tendencies having dogged student activism since the 1960s, this article argues that creating 'events' epitomizes students' longstanding strengths and limitations as society's 'incipient intelligentsia'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I describe how I encountered cybernetics and how it became an important part of my life. I begin with an account of my time at Brunel University and also describe how I came to work with Gordon Pask, one of the few intellectuals and researchers in the UK who styled themselves as cyberneticians. To enrich my story, I include an overview of the story of cybernetics as I perceive it. Given the importance I attach to cybernetics as an intellectual tool, I end with a plea for it to be included in all educational curricula. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

72 Arndt is able to "kindle" and "feed enthusiasm", i.e. have public impact, because he communicates directly and without || 69 Arndt, Geist der Zeit I, p. 82. 70 Hare and Hare, Guesses at Truth, p. xiii, 1838. 71 In the 1838 edition of Guesses Hare finally mentions Arndt, as that "honest and hearty German patriot, Arndt, which [sic] did such good service in kindling and feeding the enthusiasm during the war with France", introducing Arndt as the writer of German national political agitation, which supported the British-led war against Napoleonic France. Https://doi.org/10.1515/anger-2018-0002 Maike Oergel Politics, Radicalism and Anglo-German Relations The Reception of Ernst Moritz Arndt in Early 19th-Century Britain This essay presents the early reception of Ernst Moritz Arndt in Britain. ("Ohne Angabe des Druckorts und Verlags: Geist der Zeit, von Ernst Moritz Arndt u.s.w.", in Allgemeine Literatur-Zeitung (Halle) 246, 14 October 1806, pp. 89-93, here: p. 92) Schwabe also agrees with the Halle reviewer that the best part of Arndt's book is his panorama of peoples (but he may equally have gleaned this from other reviews) and he reproduces the Halle reviewer's criticism of Arndt ignoring recent progress in the arts and sciences. [Extracted from the article]

Abstract: The role of intellectuals in shaping pressure on parliament has often been neglected and still more frequently downplayed. Even intellectuals themselves have doubted their own political importance; hence Walter Bagehot's observation that ‘the too clever by half people, who live in Bohemia, ought to have no more influence in parliament, than they have in England, and they can scarcely have less’. This article considers what it is to be an intellectual in politics – and what political role intellectuals played in Victorian Britain. It concludes that intellectuals were crucial in helping to define the nature of parliament and of the political process, articulating an ideology which shaped the ways in which other groups put pressure on parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The New Economics Foundation and the Adam Smith Institute are at opposite ends of the British think tank scene. As such, their policy proposals following the 2008 financial crisis could hardly be more different. Whereas NEF saw the crisis as an opportunity to advance substantial reforms to the British economic model, the ASI sought to combat surging criticisms of market deregulation and found the root of the crisis in state intervention. Given these contrasts, this article traces these organisations’ intellectual and institutional transformations between 2007 and 2013. Based on interviews and documentary analysis, this paper compares their organisational structure, sponsors, output and perceived policy impact. Overall, the financial crisis had substantial effects on these think tanks’ research and funding, but perhaps the most significant transformation relates to their efforts to reposition themselves to reach and construct new publics. By 2013, NEF promoted alternative narrative frames to the austerity discourse, while the ASI sought to reach those ‘not already convinced’ of the advantages of free markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Antagonism and conflict within newly resident UK Polish migrants has been typically related to labour market competition. Without denying the relevance of this argument, we argue that explanations of antagonism within the Polish community should also take into account the role of a Polish intelligentsia habitus. This habitus provides a repertoire of available discursive strategies used for interpreting antagonistic and “risk” situations both in Poland and among Poles abroad. It is argued that not only can this intelligentsia habitus critically legitimize intergroup inequalities in status and symbolic power but also may impact on the patterns of a migrant’s integration, linkage to social networks, access to different capital resources, and interactions with the indigenous population. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the late 1950s and early 1960s a number of British “scholarship boys” traveled to America sponsored by British and American foundations. Their experiences in the United States qualify and complicate existing narratives about upwardly mobile meritocrats. First, Americans regarded these figures in a manner that helped alter their view of themselves. Distinctions that mattered in Britain became less significant in America, though scholarship boys remained shrewd enough to penetrate the veneer of a superficial egalitarianism. National identity became a marker that sidelined residual anxieties about social hierarchy. Second, American prosperity affected the bias against consumerism shared by many British intellectuals during the mid-twentieth century. As professionals supported by government or educational institutions, these visitors differentiated themselves from those in the private sector, which pursued other goals. America exposed scholarship boys to a system that assimilated consumerism without sacrificing professionalism and a commitment to social progress. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Why did so many intellectuals tolerate the sterile and stifling culture of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) during the decade following the Second World War? This article attempts to answer this question on two registers: the conceptual and the practical. Examining individual intellectuals’ varied motivations for joining the CPGB, the paper suggests that there was a fundamental difference between intellectuals who joined the Party to advance the principles central to the Popular Front movement of the 1930s and those who were committed to the Soviet conception of the Party itself as the road to socialism. To the second point, the paper argues that through the various cultural groups formed by the Party’s National Cultural Committee, intellectuals actually enjoyed important freedoms that are typically unrecognised by scholars of the CPGB. This understanding of British communist experience during the post-war decade is essential to understanding the crisis suffered by CPGB intellectuals in 1956. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the strengths and inconsistencies of Ralph Miliband’s critique of Labour’s politics. It argues that his analysis provided a strong theoretical framework from which to begin to understand the limitations of Labour’s brand of socialism. By linking political developments within Labour to class dynamics in wider British society, and situating Labour within the political structure of British capitalism, the Milibandian analysis gave valuable explanations for the moderating role Labour played within the British working class, its function to contain working-class militancy and radicalism by directing them into the safe channels of parliamentary politics, particularly in periods of heightened class tension and political instability. However, the analysis was also limited by its understanding of Labour’s failures as ideological failures. It saw Labour’s faults as products primarily of the flawed ideas that governed its politics, in particular those of its leaders. In Miliband’s theory, this left open the possibility of Labour’s socialist transformation, and, as this article will argue, it thereby helped explain his lifelong attachment to Labour, both politically and analytically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay focuses on Stuart Hall, a Jamaican-born intellectual who lived and worked in Great Britain. Topics covered include the author's earliest memories of Hall going back to the years of former British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, Hall's interventions into Thatcher's diverse domains and discourses of governance, and the author's experience of listening to Hall's lecture on problems of ideology and representation at the University of Essex in Colchester, Great England.

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Historically, to be a black public intellectual in Britain has, almost by definition, meant being located on the liberal-left spectrum, in terms of analyses of race and class. However, in the past decade a number of high-profile black British thinkers have explicitly positioned themselves at odds with black liberal and radical traditions of thought. This has been particularly apparent in their critiques of multiculturalism, youth and education. This paper uses recent documentary sources to analyse the discursive features of this emergent black social conservatism, examining its claims to authenticity, its claims to offer rethinking of multiculturalism and identity, and its objects of racialization. Drawing upon critical discourse analysis and critical theories of race and black intellectual production, it identifies internal tensions in this emergent discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses George Orwell’s attitude to Zionism and the Palestine question, a controversial and emotional subject in left-wing circles in his time and since. There have been a number of studies on Orwell’s attitude to Jews and anti-Semitism and some of these have touched upon Orwell’s approach to Zionism. However, his stance on the Palestine question specifically deserves further exposition. This is so, not least because on this subject too Orwell’s views—largely anti-Zionist—differed from the prevailing, passionate beliefs of most left-wing intellectuals of his time, including some of his closest friends and political allies. Furthermore, Orwell’s views were expressed at a time when the Palestine conflict peaked during the last decade of the British Mandate with results which resound to this day. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Conservatives usually play down their intellectual credentials because it provides them with an effective means of distancing themselves from the ‘doctrinaire’ or the intellectualized politics of the left. But this approach was challenged by a significant group of Conservative MPs and intellectuals during the interwar period. Conservatives wrote articles for a range of periodicals, which were still important channels of communication for the sharing of political ideas between the wars. Stanley Baldwin banned government ministers from publishing independent journalism, which meant that it was mainly young, ambitious, or marginalized Conservative MPs who wrote for periodicals. When left-wing sentiment started to swell up during the Second World War, some Conservative supporters started to question the interwar leadership's neglect of the party's intellectual and publishing culture. It was now thought that the Conservative party lacked a convincing media-based popular ideology to compete with the left. But if Baldwin prioritized other aspects of the interwar party's appeal, the intellectual culture of Conservatism still acted as an important barrier to communist and fascist thought in elite political circles. This culture also had important resonances for the party in the post-war period because it contributed to its self-evaluation and policy restatements after 1945. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article re-examines E. P. Thompson'sThe Making of the English Working Class(London: Gollancz, 1963) as an attempt to resolve problems of Communist cultural thought that were derived from literary modernism, centring upon the relationship between intellectual and majority cultures. It argues that Thompson formulated a distinctive concept of ‘agency’ as the corporate attribute of an alliance between intellectuals and the working class, in order to envisage the repair of a quasi-modernist ‘dissociation’ that was constitutive of those groups; and that tracing the narration of this process inThe Makingilluminates the text's significance as a contribution to socialist political strategy in the 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We begin this paper by outlining the ‘classical’ debate on the idea of a university. We then proceed to show how this intellectual ideal has been compromised by successive processes of reform privileging paradigms of managerialism and commodification at the expense of intellectualism in shaping and defining UK higher education, with equivalent processes at work in other countries. This serves to set the context for our central premise that an intellectual discourse needs to be repositioned and reinstated in higher education. Finally, we consider the relationship between three competing paradigms – the intellectual model, the managerial model and the consumerist model – with a view to highlighting the contradictions and incompatibilities between all the three. We conclude by outlining a tentative proposal for a new, three-way conversation about the future of higher education, a process we term a ‘trialogue’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article brings together six talented women historians in twentieth-century England whose scholarly productions helped shape modern historical practice but who are little known in the canonical accounts of history-writing in the period. The author is looking to map and describe historical communities from a grounded and qualitative perspective using a biographical approach pioneered by Olive Banks, showing the sequencing of connections located in time and space, social history and social geography. The crux of the argument is that these intellectual portraits tell us something about the ‘career’ chances for scholarly women that are significant to debates over politics, professions and identity, and women’s position in higher education today. The key objective is to provide a historically situated account of their contribution to developments within the field, attending not simply to their ideas but to their social status in relation to the university-based discipline of history. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

ABSTRACT Background The HCR-20 is a widely used 20 item structured professional judgement aid to risk assessment and management, but longitudinal studies of its value are rare, particularly with people at high risk of reoffending. Aims To investigate whether the HCR-20 discriminates between patient subgroups in one high-security hospital in England, whether scores reduce with hospital treatment and whether lower scores predict discharge. Methods Repeated HCR-20 ratings were made by clinical teams across five services within the hospital, two of them (women and men with intellectual disability) national services. A database of 3337 HCR-20 ratings, from 532 patients over a period of 5 years, was examined using mixed effects models. Results As expected, HCR-20 scores were high overall, but there were differences between services in the ratings obtained. Female patients and men with intellectual disability had the highest total score. There was a significant relationship between discharge and lower clinical risk score, but not between total and risk scale scores and discharge. There were significant changes in scores over time, although these were small and may not be clinically meaningful. Differences between services were observed, with women evidencing greater change. Conclusions It is unsurprising that patients in two national services (for men with intellectual disability and women) have the highest HCR-20 scores; however, the finding of relatively greater risk reduction in women needs further investigation. Although we did not find ceiling effects in this sample, the clinical value of frequently repeated HCR-20 ratings may be limited for high-risk populations where any change is likely to be slow. Copyright © 2013 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon research on the working life of the penal reformer and educationalist S. Margery Fry (1874–1958) and her role as a policy-maker, this article argues that there were alternative ways in which women could participate in post-suffrage political culture, other than through elected office or party politics. The article positions Margery Fry both as a feminist and a public intellectual and argues that the First World War and the granting of women's suffrage allowed a step change to take place in Fry's career, taking her from a regional political stage to a national and international one. It also contends that she was able to wield considerable power ‘in the shadows’ as a policy advisor. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The negative reception of A Study of History at the hands of British historians has masked wider responses to the work in Britain which reflect major tensions within British society and wider attitudes towards the idea of civilisation, the British Empire and religion. The highly critical response to the work from the majority of professional historians reviewing the book is indicative of major debates within British history writing, including the role of empirical and idealist interpretations of history, and the increasingly academic and scholarly role of the historian. Toynbee's position as a public voice and a celebrity historian in the 1950s, whose approach to history eschewed constraints of period or region, represented antithesis to the expanding historical profession and scholarly research. Arnold Toynbee's A Study of History was a weathervane for contemporary cultural and intellectual concerns of the era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Largely undocumented in the published accounts of cultural policy history in the UK, the Arts Enquiry was a privately funded survey of the arts in wartime England. It was launched in 1941 as an initiative of the Arts Department at Dartington Hall and funded by the trustees of Dartington Hall, who spent £19,000 on the study over its six-year history. The Enquiry brought together artists, intellectuals, philanthropists and arts professionals in specialist committees to examine the visual arts, music, drama and documentary film. Three book-length studies were published:The Visual Arts(1946),The Factual Film(1947) andMusic(1949). This article examines the history of the Arts Enquiry, its entanglement in the cultural politics of the period and what it reveals about policy formation in the UK, as well as the historiography of cultural policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the history of the Society for Cultural Relations (SCR) between the peoples of the Union Soviet and Socialist Republic (USSR) and the British Commonwealth for the period 1924-1945. It mentions that the inception of the organization was formed by intellectuals and is aimed at facilitating the relationships between institutions and individuals in the fields of science and culture. It adds that the formation of the SCR is forced by the social and political interests of its founding members particularly of the women who had been involved in the feminist and suffragist movement.

For two years in the turbulent mid-1930s, the Royal Anthropological Institute co-convened an expert committee tasked with scientifically evaluating Nazi claims about race. Called the Race and Culture Committee, this body was created at the behest of Charles G. Seligman and given the unofficial objective of producing a strong anti-racist statement attacking the anthropological notion of a pure Aryan race. Scientists and other scholars of Jewish descent were intentionally excluded from the Committee to pre-emptively avert attacks on the report’s validity by anti-Semites. However, such a report was never produced due to the interference of members who were committed to defending Nazi Germany and the country’s racial policies. Using newly uncovered sources, this article argues that the Committee was doomed to failure from the start, and that its demise prevented the collective British anthropological establishment from attacking Nazi views on race with a unified voice before the Second World War despite an emerging consensus that the German government’s pronouncements were scientifically indefensible. More significantly, there is also now evidence that the obstructionist faction within the Committee was taking its ideological direction directly from German scientific practitioners with their own agendas during this period, raising questions about the relationship between science, politics, and interactions between academics and the state. It was only with the later publication of We Europeans that mainstream British scientists would declare their opposition to Nazi racial views, but by then the opportunity to make a more impactful stand had been lost. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The media coverage of the 2010 British student protests has highlighted the centrality of pervasive discourses on the absence of a culture of dissent in Britain while reviving representations of the intellectual as estranged and alienated from Britishness. Reflections on British exceptionalism entail a selection of chosen pasts and idealized/demonized geographical ‘elsewheres’, which contrast the vision of law-abiding Britain with the insurrectional continent. In an attempt to comprehend the new forms of social protest, debates regarding student ‘riots’ invoked post-revolutionary tropes of identity and otherness in Britain: black-hooded foreigners were regarded as vectors of disorder linked with images of contagion, until a figure of the home-grown intellectual blended multilayered narratives on the nation, its aliens and dissenters. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The colonial government attempted to implement the Crown Lands Bill between 1894 and 1897 in Southern Ghana. Among other things, it sought to take control of what was described as ‘waste lands’ and later ‘public lands.’ This article focuses on resistance to these bills in which the Aborigines’ Rights Protect Society (ARPS) played a leading role on behalf of Southern Ghana. This was one of many precedents to the build-up of tension between the people and the colonial establishment. Among other things, the article examines the ramblings within a colonial administration that attempted to push through its policies against a background of resolute resistance. This led to reluctance on the part of some colonial officers to enforce the policy. The argument is that there was an effective collaboration between the Western-educated elite and the people of coastal Southern Gold Coast in the resistance to these bills. They used official letters of protests, newspaper articles, editorials, and demonstrations to express their dislike for the colonial land policy. In addition, they sent delegations to the colonial government in their effort to resist the attempt to take over ‘waste lands’ and later ‘public lands.’ Furthermore, this article argues that the conflict had to do with the different conceptions of land. While the colonial government saw it as part of the economic and political trappings of power, the people of Southern Ghana saw land as a cultural and religious resource that gave them the needed connection with the ancestors in their everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article explores the role played by cultural and political experts in producing creativity discourse in Great Britain. It states that the critics deconstruct the creative economy which had little influence on the focus of policy making. According to the author, research in this issue is increasingly becoming institutionalized in education.