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In this paper, we want to show our appreciation for a major figure in our discipline by reading his work carefully, juxtaposing this material with historical narratives that place him in context. We think he would have appreciated the imbrication of his ideas with those of pertinent scholarly forebears, the reactions against socialism, impact of the Cold War, as well as the philanthropic politics that have shaped our intellectual parameters. As we make clear, M.J. Baker was a pioneer, justifying and extending the reach of marketing in the United Kingdom. He wore many hats: academic, editor, entrepreneur, and institution builder. Core themes in his writing are outlined, with attention devoted to his paradigmatic, epistemological and ethical commitments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1985, British psychoanalyst Hanna Segal delivered the paper 'Silence is the Real Crime' to the first meeting of the group International Psychoanalysts Against Nuclear Weapons in Hamburg, appealing to her fellow analysts to counteract the denial of the geopolitical realities that characterized the late Cold War by intervening in public debates regarding the threat of nuclear war. A year later she gave a paper in London discussing clinical cases of patients who brought their nuclear anxieties to the couch. This article considers Segal's political and clinical writings on the psychological consequences of the atomic age, situating them in the context in which she was living, writing and practising as an analyst: 1980s Britain in a moment of 'nuclear anxiety'. I argue that Segal's anti-nuclear writings shed light on what she called the 'very very tricky' relationship between psychoanalysis and politics. Segal confronted the tension between maintaining clinical neutrality in the consulting room while publicly expressing her political commitments, wrestling with the complex relationships between individuals and the societies in which they live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the mid-1970s, no Western leader on an official visit to a Soviet Bloc country wasted any thoughts on whether or not to meet a dissident, even in countries where dissidents actually existed. By the late 1980s, such encounters had become part of an almost obligatory ritual. This remarkably swift and dramatic transformation was both preceded and accompanied by a similar change in the relationship between diplomats and dissidents. All of this happened despite considerable resistance on the part of the regimes in the host countries, which sometimes resorted to retaliatory measures, including expulsions. This article examines the role played by the United Kingdom in this normative and practical change. It identifies the different layers of relationships between the British government and Soviet Bloc dissidents, distinguishing between 'para-contacts', political contacts, and diplomatic contacts. It shows how political and diplomatic face-to-face contacts with the dissidents increased in frequency and scope during the 1980s, and how ministers' and diplomats' contacts furthered each other. Finally, it discusses possible explanations for this change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1960s, amidst a period of considerable debate surrounding how civil science in Britain should be governed, British scientists—especially those associated with the Royal Society—and their counterparts in the People's Republic of China (PRC) began tentative exchange programmes. Although such unusual interactions between Cold War adversaries were enabled by claims that science was a universal and apolitical phenomenon, the ways in which institutional and individual participants were embroiled in these domestic debates illuminate how their ideological outlooks shaped their views on exchange and on the science they encountered. By focusing on three interrelated exchanges during this period—an individual scientist's visit to the PRC, a Royal Society delegation to China, and a larger research programme bringing junior Chinese researchers to Britain—I argue that participating British scientists' conceptualizations of 'scientific freedom' framed how they judged science in China, and the value of these exchanges; their observations and actions during these interactions reflected their views on domestic British debates over the governance of science. This study thereby sheds light on how the ideological attitudes of participants of science diplomacy shape its practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper considers how many of the Communist refugees — German, Austrian and German-speaking Czechs — who were in exile in Britain during the Second World War, followed the dictates of the Party and returned home after the war to help rebuild their war-torn countries physically, politically, economically and socially. While the British authorities permitted the Czechs, as 'friendly aliens', to leave without too much delay, obstacles were put in the way of the German and Austrian refugees who frequently could not leave Britain until late 1946 or thereafter. The paper examines the relations between frustrated refugees and British officialdom as well as the reception the refugees received from their compatriots on their eventual 'homecoming'. Generally speaking, the returning Communists did not fare well. In Austria, the returnees, many of whom were of course Jewish, were met with continuing antisemitism as well as anti-communism; in Czechoslovakia, as the Cold War set in, some were arrested while others fled once again; and in the GDR, the preferred destination of the returning German Communists, the label of 'Westemigrant' could prove a considerable handicap. All in all, despite the initial idealism, the common experience was one of disillusion and disappointment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The controversy over the memorial erected by the Belgian municipality of Zedelgem in 2018 to honor the Latvians held as prisoners of the British between 1945 and 1946 has shone a light on the increasing divergence between the Latvian nationalist narrative attached to its 'freedom fighters' and that espoused by the West. The purpose of this article is to examine the background of the Latvians' presence in Belgium in the immediate postwar period, the problems their presence created, how they were treated by their British captors, and how they were ultimately dispersed into civilian life. Far from being the victims of indifference, the Latvians in SS uniforms, as well as their Baltic counterparts, were the beneficiaries of increasing early Cold War animosities and systematically protected by the British from Soviet demands for their repatriation, as this would amount to de facto recognition of the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article unearths the little-remembered history of British fundamentalist organisations of the Cold War era. These bodies constituted the last embers of an organised movement in Britain: the British Evangelical Council after 1953; the English Consultative Committee and the British Council of Protestant Christian Churches from the mid-1950s; the Christian Bible Unity Fellowship in the 1960s; and the British and European Reformation Fellowship in the 1980s. Based on archival and published material, the article argues that these organisations tried to render US-style fundamentalism into a new Anglicised version, but that each failed due to confessional disagreements and personal rivalries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examined the British response to the Soviet Union's expansion and the rapid onset of the Cold War in sub-Saharan Africa in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The Soviet Union considered 'The Third World' the primary battlefield of the Cold War and took advantage of the international trend of anti-colonialism to exert pressure on the West. At the same time, the Soviet Union promised Africans economic development and improved living standards after African countries achieved independence and relentlessly disseminated anti-colonial propaganda at the United Nations and in the region. The Soviet Union's anti-colonialist propaganda offended Britain by repudiating the liberal imperial ideas that British policymakers believed in and proclaimed at the time. As Britain faced criticism of neo-colonialism, the nation moved towards decolonisation, opting to continue with an 'informal empire' backed by the United States. The spread of anti-colonialism in sub-Saharan British Africa, as African nations strove for independence, and Britain's response to this period of change should be read within a larger narrative rather than as a chapter in decolonisation history. This narrative offers clues to understanding Britain's struggle for survival post-empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Marking the fortieth anniversary of the Falklands War, this special issue brings together new research, and opens avenues for further investigation, on the armed conflict between the United Kingdom and Argentina over sovereignty of the Falkland Islands that stretched between April and June 1982. Across four articles, it explores the broad themes of combatant experience, conflict memory, international relations and policy, from an interdisciplinary investigation of the conflict landscape to an examination of cinematic portrayals of Falklands veterans, and from the application of the lens of the global Cold War to an appraisal of the impact of the conflict on UK defence policy. The special issue also includes a previously unpublished naval memoir of the war, highlighting the continued emergence of new sources that makes the Falklands War a potentially highly productive area of study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on archival material from the National Archives of Zimbabwe, Adam Matthews Digital Archives and newspaper reports, this study locates Southern Rhodesia's tobacco industry within post-war currency developments and the politics of international trade. Following the Second World War, the shift in the financial balance of economic power triggered by the shift from the gold standard to the reformed gold standard had a lasting impact on global trade. This resulted in the British retreat from the position of hosting the global key currency denominated in sterling towards the US dollar from 1944 onwards. This study utilises the effects of this shift in the case of Southern Rhodesia, a British colony, and its impact on one specific commodity: tobacco. Because of the dollar crisis of 1947 in Britain, however, and Cold War geopolitical considerations explored in this paper, Britain was extended some leeway by the United States to recover from the losses of two world wars and a depression, as well as the loss of key currency status in ways that resulted in the establishment of a discriminatory sterling area that informed colonial trade dynamics in interesting ways. This paper thus brings the experience of Southern Rhodesia's tobacco industry into sharp focus by centring it in the context of international exchange arrangements and trade considerations in the post-Second World War period. In doing so, it illuminates imperial-colonial relations in a settler colonial setting against the background of post-war Anglo-American economic relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians have lavished enormous attention on British decolonisation but Britain's post-imperial military relationships with its former colonies have too often been overlooked. The 1947 United Kingdom-Ceylon Defence Agreement established as a condition of the island's independence was the first such military arrangement. Crucially, this agreement was vaguely conceived to serve 'in the mutual interest' of both states. Yet this article demonstrates that negotiations to implement the United Kingdom-Ceylon Defence Agreement produced deep rifts between London and Colombo. Both Labour and Conservative governments viewed Ceylon as vital to the defence of the Empire-Commonwealth in the Cold War due to its geostrategic position. Britain thus had to retain access to its bases on the island. Still, Britain's financial constraints and global military commitments forced London to press Ceylon to contribute more to Commonwealth defence. In contrast, Ceylon's first three prime ministers desired a British military presence to provide a cheap deterrent to an apparently imminent Indian invasion. Nevertheless, Colombo also sought to dispel claims the Defence Agreement derogated Ceylon's sovereignty. By 1956, therefore, the election of a Sinhalese nationalist government in Ceylon and Britain's Suez fiasco confirmed the Defence Agreement no longer served 'in the mutual interest' and it was swiftly terminated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that one way to foreground and privilege women's perspectives on the Cold War is by re‐interpreting their historical experiences of food and drink. The article develops this argument by analysing one letter, from an unknown woman to the BBC, in the context of nuclear health concerns in early Cold War Britain. This article contends that where archival references to food, drink and women are ephemeral, a lonely source can describe historical experience that extends far beyond its singularity. While it would be easy to dismiss this letter as exceptional, it demonstrates one woman's informed and reasonable approach to an unstable and inexplicable topic. The article argues that divesting research from its traditional, masculine Cold War rules of perception contributes to a fairer view of previously ignored 'feminine' sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evacuations, imagined as well as actual, reflect national strategic preoccupations, cultural assumptions and prevailing social values; they also reveal practical strengths and weaknesses in international relationships and in states' interactions with their own citizens, at home and abroad. But evacuations are deeply symbolically significant too and grounded in far longer, intertwined social and strategic histories. Using the remarkable case study of Operation Chivalrous, the first plan devised for the evacuation of British military families from early Cold War Germany, this article uses evacuation to throw light on the changed relationship between British citizens and the state after 1945. The plan and planning revealed not only the renewed significance of the family in the post-war world, but also the tensions in the new welfare state. But, more broadly, this article argues that Britain's Cold War planning was closely linked, both practically and symbolically, to its responses to the end of empire and the domestic aftermath of the Second World War. In unpacking the intricacies of a proposal that was never used, for a war that was never fought, this article underlines the wider historical value of unrealised plans in revealing 'ideational contexts' and social attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end and the aftermath of the Second World War, the conflicts that arose in the Eastern Mediterranean, specifically Greece and Turkey, was an important factor in the development of the Cold War. These two countries were considered by the West as amongst the earliest victims that suffered from the aggression of the Soviet Union due to the communist insurgent in Greece and the Soviet diplomatic pressure on Turkey regarding the Straits settlements as well as the territorial concessions concerning Kars and Ardahan. On March 12, 1947, the United States proclaimed that Greece and Turkey would receive economic aid under the Truman Doctrine that would bolster the capabilities of these countries in resisting Soviet expansionism. Many historians agreed that this economic aid was given due to the self-awareness of the United States to contain the expansion of Soviet influence in those countries. However, it was Britain who convinced the United States to do so. This article will discuss British strategies in bringing the United States into internal affairs in Greece and Turkey between 1945 and 1947 through the methodology of British primary historical resources. This study has concentrated on the viewpoint of British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and his Foreign Office through the perusal of archival or primary records such as the Private Papers of Bevin (FO 800), the Cabinet Office Papers (CAB), the Foreign Office Papers (FO 371), the Defence Ministry Papers (DEFE) and the House of Commons Parliamentary Debate (HANSARD). The scrutiny of these records has shown that Britain could no longer assist Greece and Turkey in facing the Soviet threat alone due to its economic difficulties. Hence, the determination of Britain to get the assistance of the United States. Besides, the American new policy of intervention in world affairs would not only combat Communism but also help Britain in maintaining its status quo in Greece, Turkey, and subsequently British predominance in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the history of psychiatrists' entwined efforts to understand the psychological effect of nuclear war's threat and to disseminate those findings as a contribution to the antinuclear movement. The sub-specialty of 'nuclear psychiatry' sought: (1) to expose how avoidance, denial, and dehumanization set the conditions for the arms race and, potentially, nuclear war; (2) to explain the psychological consequences of nuclear war's threat, particularly on children and adolescents. By enlightening leaders and the public about delusional, distorted thinking on the nuclear question and the rise of nuclear anxiety, psychiatrist-activists hoped to leverage their expertise for political ends. Connecting developments in the United States with those in Great Britain and the Soviet Union, this article draws on previously untapped archival and published materials, including research findings, media coverage, and internal documents from profession-based antinuclear organizations from the 1960s through the 1980s. In the process, it reveals the centrality of psy-disciplines to the history of the antinuclear movement and the Nuclear Age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Connections between Great Britain and the countries of the Arabian Gulf during the era of the Cold War and decolonisation have been the subject of close examination by historians in recent years. However, no historian has addressed with any profundity the cultural dimension of Britain's dealings with the Gulf states. The intent of this article is to confront this question and to show that cultural change in the Arabian Gulf was a major preoccupation of the UK government, particularly when it was associated with the expansion of education then unfolding across the region, most intensely in Kuwait. There was especial anxiety that Arab Nationalism and anti-Western sentiment were penetrating local societies and thus undermining an already precarious British influence in the region. The British Council was widely championed as the best instrument at Britain's disposal to counter this threat. It was envisaged that the Council would allow increased cultural contact between Arabs and Britons, offer an alternative vision of Britain to Gulf residents and provide an additional channel through which Britain could influence Gulf governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis revisits Britain's reorientation towards Europe following its European Community [EC] membership during the 1970s and 1980s. Looking at British policy towards China, the United States, and key EC member-states, Britain tried to pursue its national interests from a distinctively European platform, and played an important part in the emergence of a coherent Western European voice on the international stage at the time. Yet the lack of an overarching European strategy, the ignorance of spill-over factors between different foreign policy areas, and the personal temperaments of Britain's political leaders all meant that the European turn in British foreign policy was rarely visible to contemporaries and ultimately remained incomplete at best. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

State response to assassination conspiracies is a reality behind diplomacy. This examination analyses British and American responses to assassination from the late 1960s to the mid-1980s. It argues the United States and Britain began with very different cultures of assassination. The 1980s was a period of structural convergence driven by practical collaboration: it had little to do with a longstanding 'special relationship', the Second Cold War, or relations between Margaret Thatcher and Ronald Reagan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article considers the process of nominating and electing candidates to the International Court of Justice ('ICJ') during the Cold War by focusing on a specific national encounter: the views of the United Kingdom government during elections to the ICJ between 1946 and 1963. With this aim in mind, it examines internal (archival) correspondence between the UK national group and the Foreign Office, the Colonial Office and the Commonwealth Relations Office, as well as communications with other Commonwealth governments and the government of the United States. This internal correspondence reveals how the UK considered the suitability of candidates for nomination to the ICJ and how it sought to reconcile its choices with arts 2 and 9 of the Statute of the International Court of Justice. The focus of the study is on the specific attributes and experiences that British officials considered essential for candidates to obtain the support of the UK government amidst a changing global legal order, when new candidates emerged from the former European colonies in Africa and Asia. It suggests that British officials were informed by a 'Cold War mindset' that distrusted candidates from countries that were considered too strongly associated with the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This analysis contributes to a fast-growing body of literature on Sino-Western relations and the tension between economic and security interests. It takes Britain's China policy as a case study considering the Integrated Review 2021. It argues that London's stance towards Beijing has shifted – officially – from the so-called "golden era" to a complex phase of diplomatic–military tensions and scrutinised economic relations, principally because of US pressure. However, this shift de facto has not had a structural impact on the economic side of the relationship between London and Beijing. The article reaches this conclusion by framing its narrative through the lens of the economy-security conundrum at the heart of the Liberal International Order and through the lens of the New Cold War between the US and China. These two factors are crucial for understanding the change between Britain's China policy pre- and post-2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Securitization of the critical infrastructure as an important factor of national security has been among the aspects of wider changes in the security discourse since the end of the Cold War. The concept of critical infrastructure protection, initially focused on countering the terrorism threat, has been changing and expanding, from adopting the ‘all-hazard approach’, until the recent prevalence of the strategy of resilience in managing strategic security and operational risks. The sources of those risks are found mainly in climate-change induced natural hazards, as well as in global challenges of interconnection and interdependencies of critical infrastructure. The paper discusses the concepts of resilience and critical infrastructure, and then analyses the approaches to critical infrastructure protection and resilience in the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia. Analyzed are the official documents – strategies, laws and by-laws, reviews and guidelines produced by the governmental bodies of the mentioned countries, with the aim of clarification of the concept, as well as the countryspecific variations in its operationalization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reconstructs and analyses, for the first time, the Royal Ballet's state-sponsored tour of apartheid South Africa from February to April 1960. It traces the public outcry surrounding the company's decision to exclude its only dancer of colour, as well as the tour's planning, execution, and continuation through the Sharpeville massacre, local reception, and aftermath. In this episode of the post-war period, politics and high culture operated in tandem to sustain Britain's imperial connections amid decolonization and the Cold War. The article proposes a reframing of the 'Wind of Change' moment, analyses the role of ballet in Britain's cultural Cold War, and underscores the British state's willingness to set aside human and moral concerns for political advantage. Above all, it argues that, rather than being peripheral to, or merely reflecting, the British state's agenda, ballet enacted its politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Great Britain played a significant part in the endeavours directed at organizing the peace process in the aftermath of the Second World War. A series of myths were consequently associated to its actions and foreign policies-related decisions, myths that still surface to the present day in some areas, especially with regard to London's attitude towards Eastern-European countries. Our study proposes a more nuanced approach of the events of the first post-war years, focusing primarily on the impact the domestic situation of the Empire had upon its foreign policy decisions. Our research is based on the recent contributions of several British and Eastern-European researchers who shed new light on Great Britain's attitude towards South-Eastern Europe. Our study discusses the factors that influenced the foreign policy decisions taken by London with regard to that region, by attempting to analyse the general framework from less explored perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1949, two executives at the Hungarian subsidiary of the U.S. conglomerate International Telephone & Telegraph (ITT), Robert Vogeler of the United States and Edgar Sanders of Great Britain, along with five Hungarian nationals, were arrested, tortured, given peremptory trials, and imprisoned for espionage and economic sabotage. This article reexamines the case in light of the diplomatic efforts to secure their release. The case needs to be understood in the context of U.S. intelligence agencies' policies during the early Cold War. Numerous organizations that were not necessarily well coordinated embarked on intelligence-gathering and a variety of covert operations, some of which were undertaken with the cooperation of multinational corporations such as ITT. Vogeler and Sanders were indeed guilty of many of the charges leveled against them, and their ordeal was significant because it revealed the ineffectiveness of Cold War policies to influence behavior behind the Iron Curtain during the Stalin era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the parliamentarisation of security through four decades of committee activity in the UK and Australia. Security governance has expanded since the Cold War from defence and secret intelligence to an array of problematisations that could arise in almost any policy area. This has driven parliamentary activity, with the effect that a much wider range of committees have done substantive work on security issues. The UK and Australia display similar levels of security parliamentarisation but of a different character due to differences in executive/legislative relations, party discipline, parliamentary rules and geopolitical circumstance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This essay argues that essentialist models of modernity are always ideological, and that Britain's dominant ideology of modernity was transformed from the mid-1950s, with revolutionary consequences for British Christianity and secularisation. Before the mid-1950s Britain's predominant 'civilisation' ideology portrayed Christianity as more advanced than secularity. The mid-1950s global crisis, however, created widespread belief in a radical break between 'tradition' and 'the modern world'. This perception rapidly legitimated the further belief, promoted by radical Christians, that 'the modern world' is inherently 'secular'. Once accepted by the national media, the ideological belief that modernity is secular made possible the 1960s 'secular revolution'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soft power has gained a status that the concept has been perceived as an alternative to hard power. Yet, soft power is not soft enough to become the alternative of the hard one as it is in most cases nothing more than the extension of hard power, namely an industrial advanced capitalist society. The fact that all of the soft powers are also hard powers and there is not any soft power that is not hard power are adequate enough to demonstrate the realities of the international systems of today. Power in international politics is an indivisible concept. There can only be a transformation in the power concept if there is a true transformation in the power centered logic of the international politics, yet currently soft power is not be able to meet the requirements of a true power concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The novelist Rose Macaulay (1881–1958) had direct professional experience of Britain's secret propaganda operation during the First World War. She was among the first British novelists to take propaganda seriously as a subject for fiction, and wrote insightfully about its methods and its social implications. Moreover, her long career illuminates both the continuity and the development of the British state's clandestine efforts to shape public opinion at home and abroad, from the beginnings of systematic, state-directed propaganda in the First World War to the more diffuse strategies of early Cold War anti-communism. Despite her close connections to propaganda in both world wars, however – and notwithstanding the interest her fiction very frequently takes in the worlds of official information, disinformation, and espionage – Macaulay has hardly figured in recent scholarship on the links between literature and national information systems. This article argues that Macaulay approached the challenge of reconciling propaganda and literature differently from many of her modernist contemporaries, refusing to abandon the idea of fiction as a persuasive and socially-engaged form of imaginative writing. If this position made her an outlier in the climate of reaction against propaganda which followed the First World War, it would, by the early years of the Cold War, seem much more tenable. In its first half, the article establishes Macaulay's bona fides as a participant in Britain's wartime propaganda establishment, and describes the impression this experience left on her early fiction. It then turns to Macaulay's final novel, The Towers of Trebizond, in which religious propaganda and anti-communist rhetoric combine, to great comic effect, in the febrile atmosphere of the Cold War middle east. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Criminologists can enhance their theoretical grasp of their subject through an understanding of contemporary political economy because this provides insights into politics, crime and state policy within and across nation-states. Understanding how this plays out is very much part of the "research agenda for global crime" (Hall and Scalia 2019). In this article, we present a comparative study of European statecraft during the Cold War and today, noting the parallels and contrasts in the construction and demonization of the "enemies of the west." We present detailed analysis of how a "strategy of tension"—by which we mean the use of violent criminal actions by state agents to engender a climate of fear that blames the violence on a dangerous "public enemy"—was enacted by the secret services of the United States and the United Kingdom, in alliance with the Italian government, between 1946 and 1980, alongside some more fragmentary evidence of the way in which contemporary policies are framed around the "War on Terror," forming the contours of a contemporary "strategy of tension." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the 1950s Britain faced unprecedented challenges to its imperial rule. Civil disobedience, insurgency and terrorism gripped its colonies as the flames of nationalism and anti-colonialism burned brightly across the world. In two of Britain's most important Cold War strategic outposts, Northern Ireland and Cyprus, insurgents belonging to the IRA and EOKA launched armed campaigns to undermine British rule. This article examines the insurgencies on both islands in the period 1955–59, comparing the respective approaches taken by the IRA and EOKA to guerrilla warfare. Drawing on original English and Greek language sources, as well as other empirical evidence, the article argues that the IRA and EOKA interpreted their struggles in complementary ways as part of a broader national liberation struggle, which, above all, suggests a shared understanding of British imperialism. Admittedly, beyond a mutually perceived 'brotherly bond', IRA leaders did not apply specific military lessons they had learned from members of EOKA while in English prisons in the 1950s until the much later Northern Ireland 'Troubles'. Nevertheless, we argue that it is important to look at the genealogy of ideas for it reveals broader patterns regarding the organisational learning of militant groups engaged in campaigns against a common enemy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-1945 U.S. war planning assumed that a strike on the Soviet Union would be prosecuted by B-29s flying the atomic bomb from forward bases in East Anglia, England, where in 1946 bomb preparation and loading facilities were established at disused airfields. In 1950, atomic-capable aircraft, complete with bomb components, were first deployed to England, amidst anxieties about sabotage and a pre-emptive Soviet air strike. This establishment of a U.S. atomic strike capability in England arose from an entirely informal arrangement based on mutual trust. That informality would soon engender concern in Britain as the lack of symmetry in Anglo-American atomic relations became more apparent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the aural culture of the Cold War bunker. First by considering the insinuation of nuclear war (and attempts to survive it) into early 1980s UK popular music (and its echo in contemporary – ironic or nostalgic pastiche). Secondly by examining the increasing use of decommissioned bunkers as performance venues, some as decontextualized atmospheric backdrops, others with greater attentiveness to heritage and its interpretation. Lastly, the article considers the experience of my own act of cultural production in making a BBC Radio 4 documentary (Cold Art, broadcast in 2018) by exploring the resonant spaces of three Cold War sites, and the complex attraction these structures hold for artists and musicians. Across the article, these three instances of 'sounds from the bunker' are critically examined in order to explore the notion of the cultural politics of cultural appropriation and memory/trauma re-working, as a creative practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents a 'pathology' of the Cold War bunker via an analysis of the decay, entropy and post-human fecundity to be found within the closed system of these now abandoned man-made protective cavities. Opening with a contextual overview of current research in bunker studies, and providing an orientation to the variety of bunkers to be found across the US, UK and Europe, the article then presents fieldwork in recently opened bunker caves on the Norwegian island of Tjøme, foregrounding the complex's after-life as an incubator for the extremophilic organisms and crystalline formations growing within it. These inhabitants adapt the bunker, producing a post-human 'bunker culture' of sorts, manifested in alien forms of survival and inter-organism conflict, that strangely echo Cold War science's research into entropy and cybernetics, and that war's co-option of matter and culture to apocalyptic, existential ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the welcome turn within security studies towards a more material- and practice-oriented understanding of state secrecy, the ways in which security actors experience, practise and negotiate secrecy in their everyday work lives has been rather overlooked. To counter this neglect the article calls for attention to everyday secrecy. Focusing on a former top-secret weapons research facility in the UK called Orford Ness, it uses oral history to give an account of ex-employees' memories, experiences and practices concerning secrecy. Such a focus reveals that subjects make sense of procedures and rules of secrecy in ways that are sometimes surprising and unexpected. Ultimately this perspective emphasizes that secrecy is not just what governments and organizations prescribe and proscribe; it is also shaped by subjects who negotiate these rules. Everyday secrecy matters: as a perspective it shows that secrecy is not simply imposed by states and organizations from 'above'; it is also made from 'below', albeit very asymmetrically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Britain and Canada, two major nuclear Cold War actors, refrained from establishing close nuclear ties with Israel from 1958 to 1974, despite Israel's consistent interest in importing civilian nuclear technology. This was true both before and after the nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty came into force in 1970, even though the treaty allowed for the export of safeguarded nuclear reactors. In comparison, the other two leading nuclear exporters of the period, France and the United States, were much more involved in the initial stages of the Israeli nuclear programme, exporting research reactors to Israel in the 1950s. How did Britain and Canada view Israel's military and civilian nuclear programme from 1958 to 1974? How did they form their nuclear export policy towards Israel and what considerations motivated them? This analysis examines these questions using archival material from British and Canadian archives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to a better understanding of labour anti-communism in Britain through an exploration of the evolution of ideas and attitudes within the co-operative movement during the early Cold War. It demonstrates that the period witnessed an increasingly rigid separation of co-operation from communism and argues that this separation made it harder for activists within the co-operative movement to imagine a total or utopian alternative to capitalism. Drawing particularly on a close reading of the co-operative press as well as other sources, the study is divided into three main parts. The first section discusses sympathy among co-operators for the achievements of the Soviet Union, which increased during the war against fascism. The article then moves on to consider the continuing dialogue between British co-operators and their counterparts in European communist states and how international tensions shaped co-operators' views. The final major section explores the hardening of attitude towards communism after Marshall Aid was declared in June 1947, and underlines the role played by figures such as A. V. Alexander and Jack Bailey who worked with the Information Research Department at the Foreign Office to spread anti-communism within the movement. The conclusion reflects, more speculatively, on what implications this shift may have had for the medium and long-term decline of co-operation and the hegemony of capitalist consumerism post-war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the years after 1945, the British government mobilised money, scientific knowledge, people and military–industrial capacity to create both an independent nuclear deterrent and the generation of electricity through nuclear reactors. This expensive and vast 'technopolitical' project, mostly top-secret and run by small sub-committees within government, was central to broader Cold War strategy and policy. Recent attempts to map the resulting social and cultural history of these military–industrial policy decisions suggest that nuclear mobilisation had far-reaching consequences for British life. The guest editors of this special issue of Contemporary British History invited contributions that would explore aspects of the social or cultural history of nuclear Britain in the Cold War era, 1945–1991. We hope that this collection contributes to a more multivalent exploration of the consequences of nuclear choices which, we contend, are too often left unacknowledged by historians of post-war Britain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Welsh protests against chief policies of the British nuclear state, especially nuclear deterrence, civil defence and its close relationship with the USA. It contributes to the social, cultural and political histories of the post-war British nuclear state by further demonstrating the plural character of protests across and within the British nations. It shows that, while local authorities, individuals and extra-parliamentary groups certainly dreaded the prospect of nuclear war, the nuclear weapons issue often presented them with a vehicle to protest against British government policy more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early period after World War II, Cyprus became useful to Britain both for the military projection of British power in the Middle East, and for the planning of an air campaign against the Soviet Union itself. At the same time, the mounting British difficulties in the Middle East, especially the loss of the Suez base in 1954, meant that Cyprus, under full British sovereignty, was the most "secure" British position in the region. Thus, strategic and military needs were important in the British decision to retain the island. Even after Cypriot independence in 1960, London retained two large sovereign bases in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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During the Cold War era, the Connolly Association, an Irish republican socialist political organisation in Britain close to the Communist Party of Great Britain, was seen by British Communists as a potential means of winning recruits amongst Britain's growing post-war Irish community. This view was shared by the Catholic Church, which, amidst the broader ideological atmosphere of the Cold War, placed an increased emphasis on anti-communism in the early post-war years. This article will discuss clerical opposition to the Connolly Association in early Cold War Britain and Ireland, drawing chiefly on diocesan archives and Catholic periodicals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reveals how the Cold War impinged upon not just national, but local political considerations and became woven into communal narratives. It contributes to the examination of religion in the conflict, adds to the historiography of Britain and the Cold War, and provides a context by which British Cold War experience and responses can be assessed. With Northern Ireland's political similarities to Great Britain, its consistency with European norms and its overlaps with popular sentiment in the United States, Northern Ireland offers a gauge to better understand the nature of anti-Communism in the Cold War's first decade and offers an unexplored perspective on the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores communists' attitudes towards gender roles and sexuality in Britain and the Netherlands during the Cold War (ca. 1948–1970). It looks at the changing roles of women in the communist movement in the public sphere, as well as the changes in practices of gender relations in the communist home—that is, the private sphere. This article, which is based on interviews with Dutch and British individuals raised in communist families, argues that communist children who were taught progressive theories while simultaneously witnessing traditional practices in the home were spurred to feminist thinking and so joined the movement in its early stages. In light of these findings, this article makes the case for the inclusion of communists in the vanguard of feminism in Britain and the Netherlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European security architecture inherited from the period of the Cold War encompasses a few most important international organisations – first of all, NATO, EU and OSCE, members of which are most European countries – and institutional rules as well as numerous informal patterns of state behaviour and status. 2019 is to see the withdrawal of the United Kingdom from the European Union, which is one of the key institutional "axes" of the European security architecture. This will potentially have an impact on the future of the entire organisation, hence – on the security on the old continent. This article aims at compiling a set of alternative scenarios of the evolution of the European security through the use of the scenario building technique which is still bizarre in political science. To this end, interaction of four "driving forces", namely, 1) USA involvement, 2) threats of regional scope, 3) leadership of Germany (and France) in the promotion of the European integration, and 4) stability of the UK government, in the next seven years, is analysed. Various combinations of these variables lead to the crystallisation of three alternative plots of scenarios: 1) closer European security and defence union, 2) new Cold War, and 3) revival of the global "Anglosphere". Still, as seen from the practice of application of the scenario building technique, in the medium term, a parallel and only partial mate-rialisation of all three scenarios is most likely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the topic of the World Federation of Scientific Workers (WFSW) during its period of greatest activity, between 1946 and 1964. The WFSW was the only Soviet Front Organisation to be both founded in, and run from, the UK; and was a subject of intense interest for British intelligence during the early years of the Cold War. In particular, this article seeks to demonstrate how the Federation’s fortunes reflected those of the broader international ‘Peace’ movement, whilst simultaneously examining the reasons behind Whitehall’s interest in the group, and how this changed over time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1960s, a workers’ movement at Lucas Aerospace was formed and proposed alternative products other than military production. Reacting to some 5000 redundancies in the company across its 13 sites nationally, a &#x2018.combine’ committee of shop-stewards and workers accused the company management of lobbying for defence orders ahead of civilian manufacturing. Despite acclaim for the combine from the left-wing of the Labour Party and the disarmament movement, the 1974–1979 Labour Government did not favour the workers’ proposals and referred the combine to the Confederation of Shipbuilding and Engineering Unions. Behind the scenes, Labour ministers at the Department of Industry felt that the combine would upset the balance of the defence industry, which was at that time an important contributor to employment and the balance of payments, as well as Britain’s military role in the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]