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NATO's security turn following Russia's 2014 invasion of Ukraine opened new prospects for adopting the Women, Peace and Security (WPS) agenda from external operations to all tasks of the alliance. Drawing on feminist institutionalism and feminist pragmatist approach to security, this article interrogates NATO's WPS localization in deterrence and territorial defence. I demonstrate that NATO has in the past decade been unable to operationalize WPS in deterrence and defence. I identify following obstacles to NATO's post-2014 WPS considerations: first, implementing WPS pragmatically as an external, depoliticized and low-priority military agenda pushed primarily by femocrats; second, taking WPS to the strategic level while omitting practical localization in deterrence and defence; and third, approaching WPS partnership with Ukraine as a unidirectional transfer of NATO's WPS knowledge to Ukraine rather than a mutual learning. I argue that these institutional factors made NATO's WPS implementation only reactive and ultimately ill-prepared for such gendered security crisis as the one caused by Russia's full-out war against Ukraine in 2022. The article makes the case for rethinking feminist conceptualization of deterrence through the convergence of WPS and resilience agendas. This concerns going beyond military deterrence and centring social and political practices which are linked to societal resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transnistria, an unrecognized state within the borders of the Republic of Moldova, has been in a precarious situation following the Ukrainian crisis, characterized by the annexation of Crimea by the Russia Federation and the internal conflict in eastern Ukraine. This has resulted in Ukraine and Moldova adopting stringent policies against Transnistria, thereby intensifying its already challenging situation. The main concern derives from the fear that Russia might use Transnistria as a base for launching future "hybrid warfare" against Moldova and Ukraine. Thus, it can be said that the current challenging situation in Transnistria is linked to the overall Ukrainian crisis and is a consequence of security concerns shared by Ukraine and Moldova. In addition, the new situation after the Russian war of aggression against Ukraine complicated conditions in Transnistria. Now, the Moldovan government has an opportunity to reintegrate Transnistria, independent of any issues related to the EU membership issue. On the other hand, Russia's basic policy toward Transnistria has not changed, although Transnistria has requested annexation by Russia many times, so the status quo seems to continue. This composition has continued in the former USSR space because Russia has been using unrecognized states to maintain its "sphere of interest." This situation can be explained by the "security dilemma" argument. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What role did conventional arms control (CAC) agreements failures play in Russia's decision to invade Ukraine? Using a process tracing and counterfactual mixed methodology analyzing Russia's invasion motivations, this article attempts to answer the question by assessing Russian strategic policies, proposals, and arms control agreements. These demonstrate that Russia, seeing its sense of "indivisible security" being violated, sought to adjust or establish new CAC agreements to address a growing conventional military imbalance between NATO and Russia. Having failed to establish a fixed and stable conventional military balance through CAC, and as Ukraine edged closer to NATO membership, Russia resorted to the use of force shortly after their December 2021 proposals were not accepted. The article concludes by suggesting that this case supports arms racing and arms-control related causes of war theories, and that dissonant perceptions of the actual or ideal military balance can lead to conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Proxy wars are an increasingly common feature of great power competition in the 21st century. In this context, the role of the small states is less clear and has not been properly addressed in the academic literature. Although states of this type have often been chosen as battlegrounds for such wars and have even acted as proxies for the superpowers, this article argues that they are also capable of conducting proxy warfare themselves. Since the start of the 2014 conflict in Donbas, Eastern Ukraine, this country has experienced proxy interventions from many external actors, both large and small, that provided resources to both conflict parties. One of the smallest states which has been trying to affect the course of this conflict in support of the Ukrainian government is Lithuania. Drawing on semi-structured interviews with the security and defence policy-makers in Vilnius, the article aims to explain why Lithuania is punching above its weight and interfering with this conflict from backstage. The empirical evidence points to an almost perfect alignment of interests between the current governments in Kiev and Vilnius in that they both see Russia as their long-term 'enemy' which makes Ukraine a surprisingly suitable proxy for Lithuania to exploit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia does not release information on the numbers of mobilized and recruited men or casualties of war in Ukraine. In this small note, I propose to use information from regional banking data as a proxy for analyzing the regional incidence of Russian mobilization. Some regions have seen rapid increases in household bank deposits not easily attributable to regional macroeconomic or institutional factors. Such regions coincide with the regions with proportionally large numbers of mobilized soldiers. It is plausible that the high salaries and hefty payments promised to contract soldiers, mobilized reservists and their families in the event of serious injury or death show up as spikes in regional bank deposits. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Gas has long been omnipresent in EU energy mix. The challenges created by Russia's war on Ukraine, coupled with the Union's decarbonization objectives, place gaseous fuels overall into a new perspective. On the one hand, the use of natural gas, a fossil fuel, mainly imported until recently from Russia, needs to be alleviated. On the other hand, natural gas has acquired an interim but still important status until the anticipated 'green transition' is finally achieved. Hydrogen for its part, which can range from relatively 'dirty' to 'green', is an energy carrier set to play a fundamental role in the process. The EU energy regulatory framework is rapidly expanding and evolving addressing the 'trilemma' of energy efficiency, energy security, and climate challenges, at times of financial constraints. The endgame and strategic objective is efficient full deployment of renewables. Gas cannot be presently abandoned, but rather sustainably utilized, in a cost-effective manner. Ideas put forward include repurposing existing pipelines, enhancing financial support for clean gases, rationalizing disinvestments, diversifying supply and employing Carbon Capture, Utilization and Storage. If such policy options are properly applied, gaseous fuels will continue to be pivotal in the EU's energy mix in the road to a fully sustainable future for the European peoples. The present article analyses the above aspects as well as legal and regulatory challenges that lie ahead. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article elucidates the meaning and indicators of restrictive measures applied to individuals who have committed domestic violence, as well as the peculiarities of their implementation during wartime conditions. Additionally, it provides a comparative legal characterization of restrictive measures in Ukraine in various jurisdictions based on the categorization of legal systems. The article provides the authors' interpretation of the "restrictive measures" concept, outlining its characteristics and types, and evaluating its efficacy in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Právník is the property of Czech Academy of Sciences, Institute of State & Law and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Non-judicial remedies for corporate human rights abuses have a viable and complementary role to judicial remedies in mature jurisdictions, although in Ukraine the 'bouquet' of effective remedies is more of a still-life. The national mediation community is gaining momentum and the authors argue that mediation may take place within state-based non-judicial remedies when institutionalized by the office of the Ombudsman. The objective of this article is to scrutinize the rule of law, access to justice, and the effectiveness criteria of the UNGPs with regard to mediation. The authors conclude that mediation can meet all of the effectiveness criteria requirements and special effort should be devoted to addressing the challenges of power imbalances between parties, the confidential nature of mediation and the public demand for transparency, to ensure that mediation outcomes are in accord with internationally recognized human rights. Based on the findings, the authors suggest that a state-based business and human rights mediation scheme, in line with the UNGPs' effectiveness criteria, should have its own three pillars, namely, accessibility, availability and awareness, with quality assurance as its cornerstone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the study is to identify the main psycho-emotional states and factors affecting the physical and mental well-being of schoolchildren, including during distance learning and in relationships with family members, as well as to develop areas of psychosocial assistance to children under martial law. To achieve the research purpose, an appropriate questionnaire was developed with multiple-choice questions about: dominant emotions and feelings, attitudes towards distance learning, reactions to external stimuli, the impact of martial law on the comfort of life, relationships with peers and parents, etc. A survey was conducted among 1303 schoolchildren aged 6-17, including 515 boys and 788 girls, 11 of whom live outside Ukraine. The survey found that the physical and psychoemotional well-being of Ukrainian schoolchildren was characterised by sleep disturbances, agitation, fear, rapid mood changes, severe fatigue, sadness, longing, indignation, irritation, anger, increased conflicts (especially with parents), etc. An additional factor in the increased level of anxiety under martial law was distance learning, which makes it difficult for students to concentrate due to the difficulty of communication, shifted daily routines, worries about family and friends, changes in responsibilities and other distractions. The main directions of psycho-correctional work and recommendations for the use of psychosocial assistance technologies have been developed, which will allow children to assess their current life situation, identify their strengths (resources), which will ensure their self-healing and increase their resilience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using semi-structured interview methodology and qualitative 'thick description', original interviews were recorded with heritage experts who educate about and engage the public with Holocaust history in Belarus. Significantly, the interviews explored grassroots realities and gave voice to practitioners at risk of marginalization in Belarus's repressive cultural politics. Rigorously analyzing these research interviews within the context of regionally relevant academic literature and an online international workshop (2021), an original interpretation is offered. Namely, that Belarus has historically shifted from an opportune moment regarding Holocaust engagement and education to being 'at engagement's edge' following the August 2020 elections and Ukraine conflict (2022). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The pace of reforms in young democracies frequently depends not only on the political will of state authorities, but also on how strongly domestic civil society organizations (CSOs) make a stand for democratic change. This study examines the coalescing practices of Ukrainian CSOs, which come together to propel issues of public importance onto the agendas of the national government or local governments. The paper develops a typology of diverse coalitions and provides examples of the impact of different types of CSO alliances on democratic developments in Ukraine over the last two decades. The article concludes that CSO coalitions in Ukraine might be seen as informal institutions with functional and problem-solving roles due to their ability to restore the balance of power between state and civil society and benefit participatory decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's premeditated armed aggression against Ukraine began on February 2014 with a military operation by the Russian Armed Forces to seize part of Ukraine's territory - the Crimean peninsula - and then provoke a war in Donbas. On 24 February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale war against Ukraine after that the Russian President announced the start of a so-called „special military operation" under the pretext of carrying out the so-called „demilitarisation and denazification of Ukraine". The Armed Forces of Ukraine, territorial defence forces and Ukrainian citizens thwarted the Kremlin's plans to launch a „blitzkrieg", seize Kyiv and key cities and change the government in Ukraine. This study presents some aspects of Ukrainian legislation related to the war against Ukraine since 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article deals with the role of the Baltic-Black Seas region in the defence of European security. It reveals the reasons and driving factors for the construction of NATO’s shield from the Baltic to the Black Sea. The author emphasizes that Russian aggression against Ukraine finally buried attempts to create a comprehensive European security system ‘from Lisbon to Vladivostok’ based on the Helsinki principeles. The establishment of a new strong system has appeared on the NATO and EU agenda. The Baltic- Black Sea defence belt should become a shield that protects European democratic values. The strength of this construction is determined by geographical, historical, organisational and communication factors. Strategic communications between the nations of Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, and Ukraine play a key role in creating this shield of Europe that repels Russian imperialist encroachments. The formation of the Baltic-Black Seas Security and Cooperation Organization should become the main content of the new stage of development of security cooperation in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict in Ukraine has already changed the picture of the regional security and some changes may be permanent. The shifting power structures created by the war and the illicit market opportunities will continue to increase criminal activity. This article assesses the impact of the conflict in Ukraine and its implications for organized crime and security-related issues for neighbouring countries, with a focus on Romania. These include organized crime and illicit trafficking (including trafficking in persons, drugs, arms, illicit tobacco, and other goods), cybercrimes and fraud. The paper uses a multidisciplinary approach, which includes both intelligence analysis and operational actions, with a benefit role in the prevention, detection and tackling of serious and organized crime affecting the European Union and its citizens. This study used a mixed-methods approach. The literature review along with a content analysis and statistical analysis of organized crime was conducted using a combination of online databases, as well as academic journals and conference papers. The research findings show that the impact of the conflict in Ukraine and its implications for organized crime and security-related issues will have long-term consequences for European Union countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article provides a comprehensive economic and legal analysis of the position of national minorities in the labour market. To do this, a comparative analysis of the socio-economic and legal status of national minorities is carried out and an analysis of the situation of national minorities in the labour market is conducted while taking into account real and declarative indicators of the level of employment, which were determined by the author's survey and field experiment. It has been proven that discrimination in the labour market is characteristic of certain, but not all, groups of national minorities, in particular, the Roma. It is believed that the efficiency of the labour market of national minorities also affects tax revenues and the distribution of social costs. Ensuring equal opportunities for these groups contributes to the creation of stable social conditions, reducing the costs of social assistance and increasing the efficiency of social capital. The study of the labour market of national minorities also takes into account the importance of socio-economic stability. The main causes of discrimination of representatives of ethno-national groups in the labour market are singled out, and economic and legal measures to stimulate inclusion in the labour market are defined. Through the author's survey and the field method of fictitious questionnaires, the discrimination of certain groups of national minorities in Ukraine, among them Moldovans and especially the Roma, was proven, and it was proved that the unemployment rate in the region provokes an almost proportional decrease in the number of responses from employers from representatives of national minorities. The field of employment was not a significant factor in indicating certain features of discrimination based on the field of the labour market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Preserving the fiscal and financial stability of countries, and supporting economic recovery in order to create conditions for the sustainable growth of a socially inclusive economy is a strategic task of state institutions under martial law. Despite the unpredictability that Ukraine faces in war conditions, it is important to develop a constructive financial instrument for the recovery of the country's economy now. The research is based on the hypothesis that defining the conceptual foundations of financial support for the recovery of the Ukrainian economy, raising the quality level of the financial risk management mechanism, and minimizing their consequences, will help ensure macrofinancial stability. General scientific and special methods are used, namely: dialectical, complex analysis, scientific generalization, selective, scientific abstraction, economic and statistical. Provisions regarding international financial instruments for the economic recovery of Ukraine's economy have been disclosed. A study of the main problems in the financial sphere, which must be solved in the context of the recovery of Ukraine, was carried out. The peculiarities of the implementation of the state programs "Affordable loans 5-7-9%" and "Affordable financial leasing 5-7-9%" are revealed, which play an important role in supporting entrepreneurial activity and ensuring the country's economic security as a necessary prerequisite for ensuring financial stability and recovery countries. It is substantiated that the formation of holistic approaches to the financial support of the restoration of Ukraine, the determination of measures and criteria for the implementation of the state's financial policy will contribute to the solution of the systemic problems facing the state at this stage. Important tasks are: ensuring fiscal and financial stability; neutralization of the influence of negative factors on the financial system; prevention of hidden capital outflow; effective attraction and use of state loans; prevention of legalization of illegally obtained income; ensuring rational distribution and effective use of state financial resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to identify effective alternative forms of labour dispute resolution based on the analysis of theoretical information and practical experience of their application in the modern world and the possibility of their use in Ukraine. The methodological basis of the work is the methods of analysis and synthesis, comparative law, logical and legal, abstract and logical methods, and the method of generalisation. The author identifies the features and advantages of using the main alternative forms of labour dispute resolution: conciliation, direct negotiations, mediation, arbitration, and mediation. The author examines the international experience of using alternative forms of labour dispute resolution (France, Bulgaria, Poland, and the United Kingdom). The reasons for the low prevalence of the use of alternative forms of labour dispute resolution in Ukraine are: lack of legislative regulation or gaps in it; low level of public awareness; lack of qualified specialists (arbitrators, mediators). The author identifies the appropriate measures for the effective implementation of alternative forms of labour dispute resolution in Ukraine, which will reduce the burden on the judicial system, and resolve labour conflicts more quickly, efficiently, and with lower material costs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article aims to conduct a comparative analysis of approaches to the definition and implementation of mechanisms for ensuring transparency and accountability in police operations and to identify best practices. The research used the comparative analysis method, the formal-legal method, and the content analysis method. It was established that principal mechanisms of ensuring transparency in police operations involve providing open access to information through digital channels available to the public; ensuring public participation and control over police activities; implementing interaction with mass media. The principal approach to ensuring the accountability of police operations is the evaluation of police activity. The work proved that enhancing transparency and accountability can be achieved through various mechanisms, including implementing a top-notch electronic platform for citizens, as demonstrated by the UK police website. Adopting the concept of community policing is another effective strategy to promote these principles, as well as utilising social networks for interaction with citizens and carrying out qualitative and quantitative evaluations of police work, such as police effectiveness, efficiency, and legitimacy assessments. The findings of this study have the potential to provide valuable insights for law enforcement agencies in Ukraine and other countries by facilitating the integration of successful practices into their policing operations etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Russian invasion of Ukraine, beginning in February 2022, millions of Ukrainians have fled their homes. Among the forcibly displaced are stateless persons who lived in Ukraine prior to the war, who are particularly vulnerable because they do not possess any nationality. Unable to prove their identity, stateless internally displaced persons and refugees experience numerous challenges along their flight routes. The measures adopted by European countries to support Ukrainian refugees have been successful in many ways, but insufficiently consider the situation of stateless persons. This article explores the protection gaps in the laws of Ukraine and neighbouring countries, as well as at the European level, and critically evaluates those gaps in light of the relevant international protection regimes, ie, international statelessness law, international refugee law, international and European human rights law and international humanitarian law. From the analysis, it can be concluded that possession of identity documentation and legal status remain crucial conditions for crossing borders and accessing protection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jahrbuch der Europäischen Integration is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annals of the Croatian Political Science Association / Anali Hrvatskog Politoloskog Drustva is the property of Croatian Political Science Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper focuses upon alignment behaviour in the post-Soviet space and seeks to explain why balancing Russia by certain post-Soviet states, despite their numerous efforts to form alliances, has failed. Whereas this failure lies within the explanatory realm of the classical alignment theories, it is more puzzling why some of these post-Soviet states understood the limitations of balancing well and acted accordingly, while others failed to do so at detrimental costs. Trying to explain the failure of balancing Russia, the paper introduces a new theoretical concept that complements the existing alignment theories, and subsequently moves to explain the empirical puzzle of variations in post-Soviet states' assessment of alignment options. In doing so, the paper focuses upon three case studies, namely Georgia and Ukraine on the one hand, that increased their efforts to balance Russia in the last decade and ended up detrimentally, and Azerbaijan on the other hand that refrained from doing so. Unit level variables such as the elites' mis-perceptions/miscalculations of their alignment options as well as distribution of material capabilities, domestic politics and different strategic cultures are employed to explain the variation. The theoretical concept offered in the paper allows for an accurate understanding of alignment behavior in the post-Soviet space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In September 2023, one of the buildings belonging to the National Historical Archives of Georgia caught fire, destroying many valuable cinematographic and audio materials from Soviet times. The authorities downplayed the incident, claiming that most of these materials had already been digitized, with copies kept in a separate building. But the incendiary event has fuelled accusations against the Georgian Dream party for having a careless attitude towards Georgia's historical legacy. Moreover, these accusations come at a time when the ruling party's authoritarian and pro-Russian tendencies – increasingly difficult to explain away since the start of Russia's full-scale war against Ukraine in 2022 – are felt with growing impact in various spheres of activity ranging from the political to the cultural. Yet, Georgia still ranks relatively high on the academic freedom index, and considerable scholarly exchange continues between Georgia and the rest of the world. Therefore, the question arises as to whether any authoritarian tendencies are detectable in the academic sphere and if Russia's unprovoked war against Ukraine has had any measurable effect on the nature and conduct of higher education and research in Georgia. After providing the relevant historical background and context for current events, this piece argues that the creeping authoritarianism manifest today in the political, civic, media-information and arts-cultural spheres under Georgian Dream is also taking place in the academic sphere, albeit 'under the radar'. This subtle shift is part of a general regression – which intensified after Russia launched its full-scale invasion of Ukraine in late-February 2022 – back to the dysfunctional patterns inherited from the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Implementation of the UN Sustainable Development Goals is an important tool to modernize Ukraine. The transforming effect may be enhanced via combination of tasks of the UN Sustainable Development Goals with principles and approaches to ensuring the Ukrainian national resilience. Here, the concept of social resilience requires researching specifically with focus on the triad “person – community – state”. In this triangle, we can single out key threats to social resilience, which correlates with Ukraine’s realizing the UN Sustainable Development Goals. Social resilience determines the implementation progress for 3 of 17 UN Sustainable Development Goals: Strong Health (№3); Stable Development of Cities and Communities (№11); Peace and Justice (№16). Thus, to realize these goals, the state policy must be based on firmer social resilience with necessary indexes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Beziehungen (ZIB) is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores issues of gender inequality in Ukraine. Gender-related issues have been exacerbated due to the full-scale invasion of the country by the Russian Federation on 24 February 2022. This tragic event has led us to adapt our research by addressing gender challenges before and after the invasion. Deploying the social quality approach, we distinguish gender processes in four dimensions: socioeconomic/financial (e.g., participation in labor activities), sociopolitical/legal (e.g., political inclusion), and sociocultural/welfare (e.g., deprivation and daily discrimination). We pay particular attention to legal aspects of gender equality and equal rights and opportunities in international and Ukrainian legislation. Finally, we clarify and substantiate the specific features of gender issues in Ukraine amid the current reality of military conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Oltenia, Studii si Comunicari Seria Stiintele Naturii is the property of Museum of Oltenia Craiova and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines Ukraine's ethno-national policies and their efficacy in protecting the rights of ethnic, linguistic, and religious minorities. The study utilizes a qualitative approach, combining content analysis of academic literature with legal analysis of domestic legislation and international norms on minority protections. It highlights the discrimination and rights violations experienced by certain groups, especially Crimean Tatars under Russian occupation. Perspectives from criminology and legal theory are applied to analyze causative factors enabling abuse. The article concludes by proposing recommendations to enhance legal protections, strengthen accountability mechanisms, increase minorities' political participation, and implement comprehensive anti-discrimination reforms. Effective implementation of ethno-policies requires acknowledging minorities' concerns, ensuring their representation in governance, and upholding principles of multiculturalism. The study contributes to scholarly discourse on managing diversity and underscores the urgency of rights protections in conflict-affected states like Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the Russian leader take this course of action despite the risk of a severe armed conflict, which could potentially escalate to nuclear warfare and the prospect of an extreme sanction regime? This article discusses the question through Neoclassical realist lens, utilizing a case-centric, explaining-outcome variant of process-tracing analysis. The objective of the study is to establish a minimally sufficient explanation for the outcome in question. Within this framework, I identify three intervening variables: the foreign policy executive's (FPE) perception of the relative distribution of power; the political culture; and the FPE's extractive capacity. Findings indicate that three factors have played a crucial role in the process leading up to the war: first, the perception of the NATO enlargement as not only a threat to Russia's security, but also as a challenge to its great power status; second, the incompatibility of modern nation-building practices and narratives in Ukraine, coupled with a contrasting interpretation of the concept of sovereignty; third, a diminishing 'window of opportunity', viewed as a strategy within the context of preventive war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the Marxist theory of imperialism to analyze the war in Ukraine that broke out in March 2022. It analyzes the evolution of the socioeconomic system of post-Soviet Russia, the evolving relationship between post-Soviet Russia and the US government, and the history of relations between Russia and Ukraine. It considers the role of nationalist ideology in Russia both before and after the demise of the Soviet Union. The article concludes that a relation of inter-imperialist rivalry played a key role in the conflict that led to the war in Ukraine. JEL Classification: B51, N40, P52 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Unique within the recent history of environmental hazards, eastern Ukraine illustrates the dangers arising from conflict in an urban landscape heavily modified by human action (including coal extraction and nuclear testing) and requiring active management. To analyze these dynamics and their implications, we examine industrialization in the Donbas region and warfare-accelerated environmental risks. Using primary data and ethnographic interviewing, we compare responses by state and international institutions tasked with monitoring and environmental redress in the context of larger mandates, noting widespread shortfall. This article contributes to emergent environment and warfare related literature by exploring how actors with divergent goals coalesce in downgrading environmental concerns, despite increasing risks, motivation to assist, and widening impact across country and continental divides. Significant for the study of small wars, a lack of international political will for 'forgotten conflicts' increases the likelihood of shared environmental risks being treated as simply another policy item to be negotiated. However, environmental disasters routinely cross international borders and pose long-lasting, compounding harm to direct, indirect, and even uninvolved parties. Furthermore, such dynamics may increasingly characterize warfare as urbanization and industrialization continue their global spread, with active war-time environmental management ushering in profound challenges and new areas of needed expertise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary investigates the linkages between international NGOs, donor agencies, and their development contractors as a framework for capitalist accumulation and neoliberal rationality in eastern Ukraine. With the onset of a hybrid war with Russia in 2014 - turned into a full-scale war eight years later - the government-controlled areas of the Donbas region have participated in multiple development programs. This commentary critically examines such development policies by focusing on the role of USAID in restructuring local economies and livelihoods. I focus on the USAID Economic Resilience Activity (ERA) to demonstrate that donor programs serve as mechanisms of capitalist accumulation (for development contractors) and neoliberal responsibilization (for conflict-affected citizens). The analysis points to uneven development and the (neo)liberal peace fallacy in Ukraine's Donbas. At the same time, it corroborates a wider trend in global political economy to obfuscate the interests of development capital with liberal discourses of vulnerability, resilience, and women's empowerment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The post-Cold War period, which began in the early 1990s and was generally considered a unipolar stage, with the United States as the only superpower, has passed into a new phase, largely, due to the global consequences of Russia and China's actions, marked by the events generated by Russia from 2006 until 2014 and in particular by the triggering, on 24 February 2022, of a new unprovoked war against Ukraine, a country invaded for the first time in 2014 and partially occupied for almost nine years but also by China's actions in the South and East China Sea. The last decade and, in particular, the recent period is characterised by a global strategic competition between the US, China, and the Russian Federation and the alliances they belong to, accelerated by the Ukraine war and the tensions in the Indo-Pacific region, with consequences, among others, on the aspects regarding international order and defence-related aspects to the global strategy. BRICS has firmly committed to promoting the interests of the Global South, to creating a new more inclusive international order, forcing major structural changes to global and regional security architectures. Thus, a conflict of interests emerges between the actions and the role of the US, as a superpower, in the world arena and the actions of China and the Russian Federation, mainly to create a highly multipolar global situation and to evolve as a regional and global hegemon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an interview with Ambassador Vesko Garcevic, discussing the Russia-Ukraine conflict and its geopolitical dynamics in Europe. The interview explores historical context, nuclear escalation concerns, and potential diplomatic solutions. Ambassador Garcevic's personal experience with the dissolution of Yugoslavia highlights the impact of international relations on individuals and nations. The article also discusses Montenegro's relationship with Russia and its shift towards Euro-Atlantic foreign policy goals. It compares Ukraine's pursuit of NATO membership and emphasizes the role of diplomacy in resolving conflicts. The article presents potential outcomes for Europe after the war and highlights the importance of diplomacy and the challenges of negotiating with Russia. [Extracted from the article]

The article analyzes the measures implemented by countries in the field of access and administration of justice, focusing on the use of electronic justice as a comprehensive remote mechanism during the COVID-19 pandemic. The study examines the experiences of the European Union and Ukraine to understand the effectiveness of electronic justice in ensuring the right of access to justice. Various scientific methods such as legal-statistical, systematic, formal-legal, and cybernetic methods were employed in the study. The analysis reveals that the measures taken by countries to prevent restrictions on human rights in the judicial system are not perfect and require further development. The study identifies key issues in the practical implementation of electronic justice and provides specific recommendations for improvement. The research fills a gap in comprehensive scientific studies on continuous and effective consideration of court cases during the pandemic. The practical and scientific value of the article lies in its relevance to practitioners and scholars worldwide, who are interested in the realization of the right of access to justice and the functioning of electronic justice. The national experiences and recommendations presented in the article can also be applied by European countries to enhance the effectiveness of their electronic justice systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

None of the three revolutions in Ukraine's modern history as an independent state has been able to both solve the problem of political representation and undertake the task of building sustainable democratic institutions. Ukraine's scores from the Berggruen Governance Index (BGI) between 2000 and 2019 show the ups and downs of state capacity and democratic accountability and illustrate not only how the revolutions remain unfinished but also how the country seems to be unable to consistently advance state formation. Ukraine has yet to find a stable developmental path. Accordingly, BGI scores show that Ukrainian politics and society continue to have difficulty advancing towards a corridor of good governance, where state capacity and accountability reinforce each other and enhance public goods provision. Instead, Ukraine is alternating between authoritarian and democratic development patterns. However, the Russian invasion that began on 24 February 2022 has contributed to uniting and consolidating Ukrainian society and politics and could considerably push the nation‐building process forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study examines current challenges faced by Ukrainian legal system in matters of criminological and victimological security of society during quarantine measures related to COVID-19. Using methods of system analysis and scientific design, current legal framework of Ukraine in regulation of public relations was analyzed. The study draws attention to the fact that, Ukraine has improved its legislation on the control of medical purchases and the provision of necessary materials to medical institutions. At the same time, the authorities will have to further improve the framework for patient monitoring and the epidemiological surveillance system in the medical sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war that Russia started against Ukraine in 2022 shook the whole world. However, it is worth noting that the conflict has been going on since 2014, when Russia annexed Crimea and supported terrorist groups in eastern Ukraine. The study of the Russian- Ukrainian conflict is relevant for several reasons. Firstly, it is an acute political problem that affects the state of affairs in the region and relations between the two states. It not only threatens the stability in Europe, but also threatens to destroy the entire modern system of international law. Secondly, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict has deep historical roots that need to be understood in order to find ways to resolve it. Studying the history and culture of these two nations, as well as their relationship, can help us understand the causes of the conflict and how to hold Russia accountable. Thirdly, the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is an example of the relationship between two states with different political, economic, and cultural systems. The study of the conflict can help to better understand these systems and their interactions. The study of the Russian-Ukrainian conflict is a relevant and important task for politicians, scholars, and the public, as it can help find ways to achieve Ukraine's victory, punish Russia, establish stability in the region, and prevent future conflicts. The purpose of the article is to analyze the historical retrospective of the development of Russian-Ukrainian relations and Russia's oppression of the Ukrainian people. In addition, the author examines the current preconditions of the conflict. The article also reveals the reaction of the international community to the current conflict and all the illegal acts committed by Russia. The article also aims to suggest ways to overcome the civilizational conflict between the countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of KUL Journal of Legal Studies / Studia Prawnicze KUL is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lubin / Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of KUL Journal of Legal Studies / Studia Prawnicze KUL is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lubin / Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of KUL Journal of Legal Studies / Studia Prawnicze KUL is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lubin / Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A gray zone conflict that emerged after the Russian annexation of Crimea was an element of the Russian strategy of establishing and consolidating a new and more favourable internationally recognized maritime order in the Black Sea, Kerch Strait, and the Sea of Azov. Empirical data shows that Russian superiority over Ukraine and inferiority vis-a-vis the West shaped a double asymmetry of its tactics of projecting power against Ukraine while avoiding confrontation with the West. Eventually, Moscow reached a point where the gray zone tactics could not secure its objectives. The Russian invasion of Ukraine in February 2022 signalled the exhausting coercive potential of a gray zone conflict. Although, despite of transition to conventional warfare, we found continuity of 'gray zone' tactics of double asymmetry and denying responsibility in the Russian playbook. Hence, a possible de-escalation of the Russia – Ukraine war may likely return to a gray zone conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]