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Copyright of Forschungsjournal Soziale Bewegungen is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study is devoted to the analysis of European standards for the processing of passenger information (API) and passenger registration record (PNR) data and existing domestic draft laws aimed at their implementation. Attention is drawn to the importance of the analysis and use of API and PNR for security, intelligence and law enforcement agencies of the state in their activities related to the fight against terrorism, transnational organized crime, the prevention, detection and investigation of serious crimes, as well as the identification of criminals. This approach is in line with the content of the Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council of the EU, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions “EU Anti-Terrorism Agenda: Anticipate, Prevent, Protect, Respond” 02.12.2020 СОМ (2020) 795 final and Communication from the Commission to the European Parliament, the Council, the European Economic and Social Committee and the Committee of the Regions – The European Agenda on Security COM(2015) 185 final. The article emphasizes that the legal basis for the functioning of the system of receiving, processing, distributing, storing and protecting data about passengers of international flights is UN Security Council Resolutions No. 2170 (2014), No. 2178 (2014), No. 2309 (2016), No. 2396 (of 2017) and No. 2482 (of 2019); EU Council Directive 2004/82/ EC of April 29, 2004 on the obligation of carriers to report passenger data (API); European Parliament and Council Directive 2016/681 of April 27, 2016 on the use of Passenger Name Record (PNR) data for the prevention, detection, investigation and prosecution of terrorist and serious crimes. In order to implement the norms of EU law into the national legal field, the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine adopted the Law of Ukraine “On Amendments to the Criminal and Criminal Procedure Codes of Ukraine in connection with the ratification of the Additional Protocol to the Convention of the Council of Europe on the Prevention of Terrorism, as well as to some legislative acts of Ukraine on improving the fight against terrorism”. This Law makes significant changes to the Laws of Ukraine “On Combating Terrorism”, “On Transport”, the State Program of Civil Aviation Safety, approved by the Law of Ukraine “On the State Program of Civil Aviation Safety”, which enshrine the right to receive and use information about passengers, exchange of available information about passengers is provided. In particular, it is established that the Anti-Terrorist Center under the Security Service of Ukraine is responsible for national coordination of the implementation of UN Security Council resolutions on countering international terrorism; interaction with special services, law enforcement agencies of foreign countries and international organizations on issues of combating terrorism and exchange of available information about passengers of international flights. Given the international obligations of Ukraine, the urgency of analyzing the main provisions of the existing draft laws on API and PNR is justified in order to form a unified state approach to the creation and operation of a modern system of receiving, processing, distributing, storing and protecting information about passengers of international flights. It has been proven that the most optimal option for the implementation of European standards in the field of API and PNR into national legislation is the implementation of the approach contained in the draft law of the Security Service of Ukraine “On the use of information about passengers to counter terrorism, serious and especially serious crimes”. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ukraine has intensified its efforts to tackle environmental concerns following the ratification of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the European Union in 2014. However, Ukraine has taken several steps to protect and revitalise its natural resources, integrate environmental concerns into its economic development strategies, and accelerate the transition to a more sustainable, low-carbon, and environmentally friendly economy. Since Russia's invasion in 2022, Ukraine's economic and environmental growth has been hampered, threatening its autonomy, ecological consciousness, and sustainable future. A large percentage of the population has been under siege or forced relocation due to the humanitarian situation, which has caused the deaths of thousands. Significant environmental repercussions have been detected. This study critically examines the environmental effects of the Russian-Ukraine War. This research initially covers eastern industrial dangers, the possibility of a second Chernobyl nuclear disaster, global wheat farming issues, and conflictrelated environmental degradation. This paper argues that the Russia-Ukraine war threatens climate security. This paper also suggested ways to reduce the conflict's environmental impact. Lastly, this work submits that the challenge of post-war rebuilding will be enormous and will call for an all-encompassing, wellplanned, and adequately funded endeavour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The principle of self-determination is at the centre of the Russian Federation's (Russia's) 'justifications' for using force against Ukraine and supporting the separatist entities in its eastern provinces, as demonstrated by official statements of Russia's representatives and the oral and written submissions to the inter-state proceedings on the application of the Genocide Convention before the International Court of Justice (Ukraine v. Russia). In particular, Russia construes self-defence as an exercise of remedial self-determination, supporting territorial separation and the creation of satellite states or their annexation by the Federation. This is in continuity with Russia's policies and argumentations utilised in other contexts such as Crimea, Abkhazia and South Ossetia. These cases differ in their context and history but share the same remedial approach to external self-determination as a purported justification to use force. This is also in partial continuity with the tradition of Soviet approaches to self-determination. Like other states' self-indulgent 'exceptionalism' in international law, Russia's cherry-picking application of self-determination reveals its instrumental usage to camouflage imperialistic aggression and expansionistic ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article assesses how Western mainstream news media framed causal factors of Russia's 2022 invasion of the Ukraine. The article is based on a synthesis and integration of scholarly studies as well as a primary data analysis of Western mainstream newspaper reporting. The research firstly conducts an integrative literature review investigating how Western mainstream news media have reported on Russia and the new Cold War more broadly. Using this as a backdrop, a quantitative and qualitative content study investigates how causes of the 2022 invasion of Ukraine were framed in the US, the UK and the German press. To contextualize news media framing, the second section critically assesses the Western diplomatic and historical record of NATO expansion. The article identifies two competing explanatory frameworks: the dominant Western news media narrative assumes that Russia/Putin's imperial ambitions and nefarious traits have caused the war, and a second narrative, advanced by several scholars, former diplomats and selected journalists, asserts that NATO's eastward expansion created the context for Russia's invasion. The article concludes that the second narrative has been de-emphasized in the news. Such framing is contrary to the historical and documentary record, and links to a marginalization of non-military solutions to solve the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of Italian foreign fighters who currently fight in the Russia-Ukraine conflict presents elements of high ideological complexity. The presence of different groups of highly ideologized far-right fighters fighting on opposite sides of the front emerges. Foreign fighters of the extreme right shoot each other at the front and some of them have as comrades foreign fighters of the extreme left. The main sources of this research are texts published in social media by foreign fighters and have been collected through online ethnography. The analysis of the collected texts is conducted with a qualitative thematic analysis with an inductive method. Particular attention has been paid to the phenomenon of Red-Brownism also called 'Brown-Red cocktail' that in the context of the Ukrainian conflict seems to cast doubt on whether the extreme right and the extreme left should always be considered opposing extremisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Environmental & Social Management Journal / Revista de Gestão Social e Ambiental is the property of Environmental & Social Management Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Archives of Criminology / Archiwum Kryminologii is the property of Polish Academy of Sciences, Institute of Legal Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the multiple ways that international criminal law (ICL)--the body of international law that seeks to impose criminal responsibility on individuals for international crimes--has impacted the conflict in Ukraine. Most violations remain unpunished, and ICL's legal accountability mechanisms continue to face significant obstacles. But even absent prosecutions and trials, which remain contingent on an array of shifting factors, ICL has affected the Ukraine conflict in multiple ways. The article focuses on how ICL has helped shape narratives about the war in Ukraine. In doing so, the article cautions against a strict law/politics dichotomy and instead focuses on the more dynamic and multi-faceted interaction between international law, policy, and politics. It offers some broader conclusions about the opportunities as well as the challenges that a reliance on narrative presents for ICL's overarching aim of holding individuals accountable for mass atrocities through prosecutions. As the article explains, narrative can advance ICL's goals, but harnessing narrative's full potential requires a more consistent commitment to ICL's norms and principles, especially from the most powerful states. Further, an overreliance on narrative, without judicial enforcement, carries significant risks, particularly in today's digital world, where facts can be distorted, stories manipulated, and disinformation widely and rapidly disseminated. Extensive reliance on narrative, moreover, can dilute the norms on which ICL is based, weakening its status as law and breeding cynicism. Thus, the more disputes about atrocity crimes are resolved through competing narratives rather than by courts, the more blurred the distinction may become between ICL's regime of individual responsibility and the world of international power politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict between Russia and Ukraine have exposed the vulnerabilities in the financial system. The war between Russia and Ukraine is a blow to the global economy begetting rapid inflation and sluggish growth. The ongoing conflict has affected the trade routes and have disrupted supply chains globally. Western nations have unitedly condemned Russian Federation and have placed several sanctions as well as bans on Russia. These sanctions have led to an increase in prices of commodities which will negatively affect the recovery of Global and domestic economy affected by the gruelling pandemic. Russia and Ukraine make up only 2% of global economy but they make majority of many essential products. One of the countries deeply affected by the war is India. The article briefly explores the history of conflict, the global impact of the war and the impact of war on India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Illicit arms trafficking in Ukraine has been a significant issue since the Cold War, with leftover Soviet stockpiles providing lucrative smuggling routes. With over US$100 billion in aid being provided by the West, a sizeable portion being in the form of small arms and guided infantry weapons such as MANPADS and ATGMs (Masters & Merrow 2023), and accompanying ammunition, Action Plans have been developed conducive to limiting eventual diversion of military aid into the illicit market. What this paper seeks to analyse, is the United States’ ‘Plan to Counter Illicit Diversion of Certain Advanced Conventional Weapons in Eastern Europe’. The plan highlights steps towards limiting illicit arms trafficking such as increased traceability, provision of end-use-monitoring (EUM) capacities and training, intelligence sharing, and capacity building for border management. This paper argues that the current iteration of the United States’ effort to limit arms trafficking, though still in its infancy, has provided some benefit in Ukraine’s efforts to combat the illicit diversion of arms, and could limit the presence of US-made weapons in the illicit arms market, as has been the case thus far. However, this paper does argue that, given the context of lacking institutional accountability, the role of corruption, an inconsistent and incoherent legal framework for gun ownership, as well as lacking coordination with US partners, the Action Plan will unlikely help reform the structural conditions that established Ukraine as a lucrative arms market before the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research examines the results of exercising the existing state supervision powers over local self-government bodies in combating crimes for the protection of the territorial integrity of Ukraine. The aim is to assess the state-legal mechanisms for combating crimes to ensure the country's territorial integrity based on the control functions over local self-government in Ukraine. The research employed methods of graphic analysis, sociological survey on issues of supervisory powers and local self-government, and content analysis of legislation related to state control over the activities of local authorities. The practical application of enhanced state supervision over local self-government bodies is complicated by the economic shortcomings of supervisory institutions and political contradictions with local authorities. It was established that effective countermeasures against crime for the preservation of territorial integrity depend not only on the nominal organisational structure of supervision but also on the formation of mutual relations with local communities through the governance channels with the involvement of the public. Detailed state supervision should effectively strengthen the protection of sovereignty while preserving the elements of self-governance that are an example of the state's legitimacy for citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine, it is striking that there have been many references to resilience, including by Western and Ukrainian leaders. This article is precisely about their use of resilience discourse, and it makes two important contributions to existing scholarship on resilience in conflict settings. First, drawing on Ish-Shalom's idea of 'concepts at work' and analysing a selection of speeches and policy statements (by Western leaders and President Volodymyr Zelensky) that specifically refer to resilience, it demonstrates that resilience is a significant 'concept at work' in the war, making certain forms of international and domestic politics possible. Second, while research on resilience frequently discusses different ways that the concept has been defined and approached in fields such as engineering, ecology, and psychology, this article highlights that diverse framings of resilience have become entangled as the concept is 'at work' in the war in Ukraine. More specifically, its analysis makes prominent the fusion of different resiliences at different levels – from the individual to the systemic – discursively working together for particular political ends. In this way, it offers a novel way of thinking multi-systemically about resilience and, by extension, about resilience and complexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ukraine conflict has been pushed into a new phase by elections in separatist-controlled Donetsk and Luhansk. In spite of attempts to achieve a ceasefire, a renewal of hostilities is possible at any point in the coming months. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

We examine the legal framework and the institutional and political conditions that have adversely impacted the electoral participation of Internally Displaced Person (IDP) voters in Ukraine. Since 2014, during intense political instability and military conflict, Ukraine conducted three elections--presidential, parliamentary and local. Meanwhile, the number of IDPs climbed to 1.5 million (as of October 2015 when the last election was held). Based on English- and Ukrainian-language legal and political documents, we trace the development of Ukrainian laws on IDPs and elections. We find that Ukraine's government has failed to adhere to international standards on IDP enfranchisement; we also show how procedures of IDP electoral registration, policies towards conflict-affected areas and electoral campaigns have undermined the principle of political equality for internally displaced citizens. We conclude with steps Ukraine and the international community can take to improve the electoral situation of IDPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay uses the concept of security governance to explore the implications of Russia’s intervention in Ukraine for the rules-based security order in Europe. It outlines key ideas in the literature about the post-Cold War European security order with respect to Russia’s role and examines Russian debates on the Ukraine conflict. It then investigates European institutions’ reaction to the conflict in order to understand to what extent Russia’s exclusion (as a result of the West’s policy of containment and deterrence) or self-exclusion now constitutes a structural factor in the security politics of the wider Europe. The essay concludes with the analysis of the challenges facing both Europe and Russia and considers the prospects for re-shaping this order to give meaning to partnership and shared security governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to research on the relationship between multipolarity and multilateralism. One aim of this article is to consider the role of multilateralism in the age of multipolarity by investigating Russia's approach to multilateralism, especially in the context of the Donbas conflict. Russia has been a staunch supporter of a polycentric world order. Thus, an analysis of its attitude towards multilateralism provides insights into the role of multilateralism in the emerging multipolar world. It will be argued that, while convergence of interests and equal participation of states cannot be assumed in the age of multipolarity, multilateralism can still facilitate policy coordination among states, including rising powers, and provide legitimacy to their policy decisions. Another aim is to explore what peacekeeping – an international practice reflective of multilateralism – can deliver in the multipolarising world. This article examines recent debates over the deployment of a peacekeeping mission to eastern Ukraine and argues that peacekeeping can not only help achieve security policy coordination among states, including rising powers, but also help create a common diplomatic culture and hence a sense of we‐feeling among them, which may in turn develop into an inclusive regional security framework. The role of multilateralism and peacekeeping in international society has changed over time and will continue to change in the future in response to changes in global politics including multipolarisation. A sustained research effort is needed to track and understand changes in their place and role in the times of multipolarisation and turbulent change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On February 28th, shortly after the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24th, Twitter announced the expansion of its labelling policy for "Russia state-affiliated media", in order to address disinformation in favour of the Russian government.. While this 'soft' approach does not include the removal of content, it entails issues for freedom of expression and information. This article investigates the consequences of this labelling policy for the range and impact of accounts labelled "Russia state-affiliated media" during the Ukrainian war. Using an iterative detection method, a total of 90 accounts of both media outlets and individual journalists with this label were identified. The analysis of these accounts' information and timeline, as well as the comparison of the impact of their tweets before and after February 28th with an ARIMA model, strongly suggests, that this policy, despite its limited scope, could have contributed to a reduction in the impact of the sampled tweets, among other concurrent events. These results provide empirical evidence to guide critical reflection on this content moderation policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European accession policy has acquired a special and exceptional character since 2022 against the backdrop of the Russia-Ukraine war. The separation of the Association Trio countries (Ukraine, Moldova, Georgia) caused a non-uniform assessments in Georgia (giving candidacy to Ukraine and Moldova, and potential candidacy to Georgia). In the situation of extreme polarization and politicization of opinions, it is important to outline the legal and historical facts regarding the specifi cities of EU–Georgia relations and to evaluate scientifi cally Georgia's geopolitical destiny (the possibility of joining the EU) in the light of global and regional processes. The article presents the various aspects of the difficulty and complexity of the EU enlargement towards Georgia, which actually go beyond the context of the full fulfi llment of the twelve conditions given to Georgia by the EU; synchronization of commitments issued by the European Commission for all Association Trio countries, making clear that the only distinguishing condition for Georgia in reality is the issue of depolarization; the possibility to fulfil the condition of depolarization in the current political situation in Georgia; the context of the historical dynamics of divergent approaches of the EU towards Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia; the priority of saving the results of the 30-year struggle for freedom against the backdrop of Russia–Georgia wars, and the European future in Georgia and overcoming the ongoing distrust between Georgia and the EU (as the highest value) compared to the value of conditionality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine that began in February 2022 has created a sense of urgency across Europe and thus pushed forward significant changes and readjustments of foreign, security, and defense policies. These major shifts have been referred to as Zeitenwende by the German chancellor Olaf Scholz, the turning point not only for Germany but for the whole European security architecture. Western Balkans is increasingly stated as an area of strategic importance for the European (Euro-Atlantic) security community, whereby it is the geopolitical interest of the both the EU and NATO to have the Western Balkans integrated. This is one of the regions where the interests of the West and Russian Federation collide - this factor adds to the already complex security dynamics resulting from domestic, bilateral, and regional issues that affect regional security and stability. Hence, one characteristic of the regional political and security dynamics is the long-term presence of external actors. This paper explores the effects of the Russian invasion of Ukraine on the Western Balkans' political and security dynamics from the perspective of Regional Security Complex Theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite that they are tacitly accepted by many as an inevitable part of armed conflict, most of the international community condemns wartime rape and aims to prevent it. Although its preventive mechanisms were already developed nationally and internationally, wartime rape was perpetrated in the war in Bosnia and Herzegovina (1992–1995), and is perpetrated in the war in Ukraine. This comparative study identifies patterns of wartime rapes in these two wars, as well as the analysis of the positive criminal codes of these two countries and the legal practice attendant thereto, in order to establish how they were regulated and what the criminal politics towards them is. Particularities of the experience with trialling wartime rapes in Bosnia and Herzegovina will be presented. These are presented as lessons Ukraine can benefit from, to fight against them, prevent them, and achieve justice most efficiently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Sea of Azov, an inland shelf sea bounding Ukraine and Russia, experiences the effects of ongoing and legacy pollution. One of the main contaminants of concern is the heavy metal mercury (Hg), which is emitted from the regional coal industry, former Hg refineries, and the historic use of mercury-containing pesticides. The aquatic biome acts both as a major sink and source in this cycle, thus meriting an examination of its environmental fate. This study collated existing Hg data for the SoA and the adjacent region to estimate current Hg influxes and cycling in the ecosystem. The mercury-specific model "Hg Environmental Ratios Multimedia Ecosystem Sources" (HERMES), originally developed for Canadian freshwater lakes, was used to estimate anthropogenic emissions to the sea and regional atmospheric Hg concentrations. The computed water and sediment concentrations (6.8 ng/L and 55.7 ng/g dw, respectively) approximate the reported literature values. The ongoing military conflict will increase environmental pollution in the region, thus further intensifying the existing (legacy) anthropogenic pressures. The results of this study provide a first insight into the environmental Hg cycle of the Sea of Azov ecosystem and underline the need for further emission control and remediation efforts to safeguard environmental quality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to investigate the development of applied skills in physical force utilization among prospective female officers of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine, considering their physiological characteristics. The research has validated the hypothesis that enhancing the preparation of cadets from higher education institutions of the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine in applying physical force measures under various service conditions can be achieved through specific organizational and pedagogical conditions. They are as follows: tailoring technical and tactical methods of physical force application to cadets' unique physiological traits; incorporating specialized exercises and techniques in service-oriented hand-to-hand combat into cadet training to enhance task performance efficiency across diverse service contexts; intensifying technical and tactical training focused on physical force application. This training emphasized improvements in offensive and defensive actions, technical proficiency, transition efficiency between defence and offence, increased striking power and speed, development of explosive force and customization of force application approaches based on individual cadet profiles. The study involved 110 cadets from two higher education institutions within the Ministry of Internal Affairs of Ukraine. Data collection utilized a hardware-software system for measuring striking forces during martial arts techniques and a videocomputer system ("Katsumoto") for rapid biomechanical movement analysis. Analysis of empirical data demonstrated positive advancements in female cadets' readiness to apply physical force measures across different service conditions within the experimental group (EG). Specifically, the proportion of EG cadets with low readiness levels decreased significantly (by 32-33%), while those with high readiness levels increased (by 14-16%). Conversely, the control group (CG) did not exhibit significant changes. The validity of these findings was confirmed through χ2 criterion testing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implementation of legislative support for public policy on national memory in Ukraine is realised through the enactment of legislative acts, including the Constitution of Ukraine and Ukrainian laws. The country's prevailing political situation and social moods have primarily shaped it. This article aims to examine the legislative framework of Ukraine (1991-2024) that facilitates the formation and implementation of public policy on national memory within the state. The study demonstrates that active legislation has occurred over the past ten years and continues to the present day. It is established that the legislative base in the sphere of national memory comprises conceptual, organisational, and regulatory acts, which delineate the scope of their functionality. Significant achievements have been made in the legislative support of public policy on national memory in Ukraine. It is evident that the issue of adopting a special law that would define the fundamental principles of national memory policy in Ukraine, ensuring comprehensive regulation of its formation and implementation, still needs to be solved. The completeness of memory policy regulation at all levels of the administrative system is defined, and problematic issues are identified. The necessity for enhancing the legislative framework supporting public policy on national memory in Ukraine is revealed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to examine the specific activities of the National Police of Ukraine in the investigation of war crimes in deoccupied territories, developing a clear algorithm of action and taking into account possible power, heating, and communication outages. The study argues for the creation of a Coordination Headquarters to ensure proper interaction between the bodies and departments involved in recording and investigating war crimes. The article proves that the activities of the National Police of Ukraine bodies and units during the investigation of war crimes in the de-occupied territories are aimed at their prompt, complete, and impartial investigation, so that any perpetrator of such acts is held accountable according to their guilt, and includes several algorithmic actions. The research methodology includes dialectical-materialistic, formal-logical, general scientific, and special methods. The results of the study are significant as they provide a practical guide for the National Police of Ukraine in the investigation of war crimes in de-occupied territories. The proposed algorithm and practical considerations can help ensure prompt, complete, and impartial investigations, ultimately contributing to the rule of law and justice in times of conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study explores the conflict between Russia and Ukraine where the overall aim is to comprehend the impact of the armed conflict on the education sector and education from a securitization perspective. The development of the crisis from a securitization perspective in eastern Ukraine is shown to directly influence the educational conditions for children. In several areas near the conflict zone, military installations close to schools are a cause for security concern. The military installations are possible targets meaning that children are exposed to danger during school hours. The study also focused on how children and young people play a significant role in conflicts. In their vulnerable position, they become subjected to various types of socialization processes aimed at preserving the defense interests of the Ukrainian State, while regional and global actors are trying to reduce conflicts in the region through efforts advocating democracy and peace education. The study also highlights nationalistic tendencies on both sides of the conflict and the role that patriotic training as well as patriotic education take in fostering an active citizen through identity construction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses the lens of liminality to explore the consequences and wider implications of the war in Ukraine for those states "in-between," with a specific focus on Georgia and Moldova and their relations with the EU. It examines the different approaches that these two states have adopted in response to their spatial and temporal liminal condition: Georgia has focused on the discursive construction of a new identity, while Moldova has tended to focus on the process of becoming European, on the institutional elements of integration with the EU. War is also a liminal condition, an uncertain and transformative period; thus, the war in Ukraine adds a further layer of liminality to the EU's eastern neighborhood, intensifying the ambiguity and contestation that can occur as Georgia and Moldova pursue recognition and acceptance of their European identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The academic literature offers different views on the strength of Ukraine's civil society, but Ukraine's massive civic engagement and collective action, most recently in defense against Russian aggression, offers a startling picture of grass-root activism. Based on interviews, surveys and archival research, we highlight changes and nuances to Ukrainian civil society, civic engagement and motivations over time, from Euromaidan, through the hybrid Russian aggression in the East, to the recent full-scale Russian invasion. In doing so, we explore a more inclusive understanding of civil society complemented by sense of community and community responsibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the growing tensions between Russia and Ukraine and their impact on regional and global geopolitical dynamics, focusing on the importance of military organizational management in this complex situation. The confrontation between the two countries, fuelled by Moscow's geopolitical aspirations to consolidate its control over Ukraine, has escalated into a military conflict with far-reaching repercussions. Ukraine's rapprochement with the European Union and NATO has exacerbated tensions, generating indirect arms deliveries and threatening regional stability. In this context, military organisational management becomes crucial to manage and mitigate the escalation of the conflict. The capacity for strategic planning and coordination of military actions is essential to maintain stability and prevent wider conflict. Also, the ability to manage human and material resources effectively and strategically can influence the outcome and duration of conflict. In addition, it is important to stress that tensions between Russia and Ukraine not only have bilateral consequences, but also affect relations between Russia and NATO. Military management must therefore be adaptable and address the complex and interlinked challenges of this rapidly changing geopolitical context. The paper further argues that an appropriate approach to military organisational management can be essential for managing the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, as well as for maintaining regional and global stability in the face of the complex challenges of current geopolitical tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the growing tensions between Russia and Ukraine and their impact on regional and global geopolitical dynamics, focusing on the importance of military organizational management in this complex situation. The confrontation between the two countries, fuelled by Moscow's geopolitical aspirations to consolidate its control over Ukraine, has escalated into a military conflict with far-reaching repercussions. Ukraine's rapprochement with the European Union and NATO has exacerbated tensions, generating indirect arms deliveries and threatening regional stability. In this context, military organisational management becomes crucial to manage and mitigate the escalation of the conflict. The capacity for strategic planning and coordination of military actions is essential to maintain stability and prevent wider conflict. Also, the ability to manage human and material resources effectively and strategically can influence the outcome and duration of conflict. In addition, it is important to stress that tensions between Russia and Ukraine not only have bilateral consequences, but also affect relations between Russia and NATO. Military management must therefore be adaptable and address the complex and interlinked challenges of this rapidly changing geopolitical context. The paper further argues that an appropriate approach to military organisational management can be essential for managing the conflict between Russia and Ukraine, as well as for maintaining regional and global stability in the face of the complex challenges of current geopolitical tensions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This secondary descriptive analysis sought to understand Gender-Based Violence (GBV), with a focus on Domestic Violence (DV), among older women in Ukraine's conflict setting. Analysis was conducted on a subsample of 150 women aged 60+ from GBV-Information Management System intake data of 12,480 GBV survivors. Fisher's exact tests were used to compare differences in GBV incidents among women who experienced DV compared to other types of GBV. Using United Nations humanitarian and aging frameworks, qualitative analysis was completed following two rounds of coding. Sixty percent of women aged ≥60 experienced DV. Local women were more likely to experience DV versus displaced women (85.6% vs. 48.3%, p <.001). Six core themes emerged: experiencing versus witnessing violence, intergenerational conflict, livelihoods, alcohol, humiliation, and neglect. Deeper understanding of DV among older women in humanitarian settings is needed, strengthening a call to action to prioritize protection against, and prevention of, GBV more broadly among this marginalized group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the Canadian government’s foreign and security policy responses to Russian disinformation in the context of the Russo-Ukrainian war. It asks whether, how, and why the government has securitised the “crisis of Russian disinformation.” The paper first briefly reviews literature on the Copenhagen’s School’s “securitisation” theory and how it has been used to explain responses to other crises. It then adopts the framework to contextualise the Canadian federal government’s official rhetoric, and then to categorise government policies and actions. The sources consulted include government actors’ reports and stated intentions and policies from 2022 to 2024. Adopting a securitisation framework reveals that Russian disinformation has been rhetorically securitised by government actors as an existential threat to national security and democratic integrity which requires urgent action. Within a context of cascading risks, the government has taken a range of distinct yet reinforcing policies and actions, some more comprehensive than others. The paper argues that together this “pervasive rhetorical securitisation” and “ad hoc practical securitisation” comprise the Canadian government’s ongoing process of partial securitisation. This process is legitimising different methods of governance: security and warfare communications (to address threats to national defence and security), democratic resilience (to address threats to democracy), and, most controversially, blocking and sanctioning (to signal discontent to the Russian regime). The analysis further reveals that each approach has different benefits and limits. The paper concludes that the securitisation process is incomplete compared to the government's rhetoric, with no over-arching organisation or strategy. It outlines implications for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The war in Ukraine has threatened our idea of peace and democracy. The European Union has been caught unprepared and, to show its opposition to Russia, has developed strict economic sanctions. A path to a possible candidacy of Ukraine to the EU is now open. However, the enlargement process has been silenced for a while and still, there are critiques due to 'nasty' member states that do not comply with the rule of law. Information online does not help in understanding the accession iter and the current situation. On the list of potential members, at pole position, we find the Western Balkans, which have been long pushed to join the EU and have already developed a huge network of international and European organizations. I will run a Social Network Analysis to outline the position of possible new member countries in the Eurozone according to the media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2014 Ukraine conducted two national elections against a backdrop of political upheaval and a separatist conflict in which national minority concerns were voiced by some parties. In the context of the election process, reports by international observers did not reflect discrimination against national minorities as voters or candidates. However, a dearth of candidates campaigning as national minorities or including national minority issues in their platforms was observed, and can be traced to peculiarities of the legal framework that disadvantage smaller and compact political forces. It was observed that candidates of various national minority backgrounds may campaign and win elections, but few declare themselves to be representing the interest of a national minority. This was true for both the proportional and simple majority races during the parliamentary elections, in which only five candidates campaigning as national minority representatives were elected to parliament. Ultimately the main issue for national minorities in Ukraine's political process is not one of discrimination, but the realistic opportunity for robust representation and advocacy of their communities' concerns at the national level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bringing peace, security, and stability to the war-torn region of Donbas has proven to be a challenging – some would say near-impossible – task. The "Minsk II" agreement, signed in February 2015, was supposed to put an end to the armed hostilities, resolve the underlying political issues, and gradually restore Ukrainian government control of the country's eastern border. None of this has happened. Despite continuous Western support and pressure, progress in the implementation of the peace plan signed in Minsk has been slow, also after the much-anticipated Paris summit of the "Normandy Four" (Russia, Ukraine, Germany, and France) in December 2019. This article discusses the underlying causes of the current stalemate, emphasizing factors such as the inherently complex nature of the conflict, the process through which "Minsk II" came into being, the vague and ambiguous language of this and other agreements, practical challenges related to the timing and sequencing of agreed-upon measures, and Russia's persistent non-acknowledgement of its role in the conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Actually, the second part of the 20th century characterized by the beginning of the conceptual understanding of "human security" in a system of the international security and international law, in general. It had linked with the historical past, such as world wars, many local military conflicts which claimed the lives millions of people, repressions, scientific and technological progress (the invention of nuclear weapons, various weapons of mass destruction), etc. Besides, it has linked with the present, such as terrorism, human trafficking, acts of aggression, etc., that entails the inevitable destruction of mankind, where the safety/security plays a crucial role. That's why, in the early 1990s, the concept of "human security" was introduced into the international discussion. A number of international instruments of the universal and regional character were adopted about the issue of the protection of human rights in the context of "human security", was termed the new concept of the 20th and the 21th centuries. In this context, the essential objective of this manuscript is the analysis of doctrinal, legal understanding of the concept of the "Humans Security", taking into account the present conditions and the example of Ukraine (the situation of the East part of the country). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concerns ensuring national minorities' interests while establishing electoral boundaries in Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the areas with a concentrated minority settlement. A Hungarian national minority resident in Transcarpathia is the subject of the research. Among the three basic laws of Ukraine that regulate presidential, local and parliamentary elections, only the law regulating parliamentary elections complies with the international requirements regarding the consideration of national minorities' interests during delimitation of electoral borders. An electoral district in which majority of voters were Hungarians had been established before the 1998 parliamentary elections. But later, the Hungarian community was divided between three constituencies. Some comments and recommendations from the reports of observers from different international organizations have been elucidated. A review of law enforcement practice revealed that the long-lasting problem concerning the drawing of electoral boundaries in Transcarpathia has not yet been solved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Clashes of interests in the Russia–Ukraine–EU triangle … The Customs Union … Missile defense in Europe … What is Ukraine's stance on these contentious issues? What are the prospects for cooperation between Russia and Ukraine in key areas of European security, especially given that Ukraine will take over the rotating chairmanship of the OSCE in 2013? And what are the prospects for trade and economic relations between the two countries? We have put our questions to the Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary of Ukraine to the Russian Federation, Volodymyr Yelchenko. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

How are foreign policies developed during times of conflict? This question is often approached by scholars. Here I focus on individual policymakers' decisions and employ a novel game-theory-inspired analytical framework in foreign policy analysis. The article studies Ukrainian leaders' decision-making in relations with Russia and the European Union in the first turbulent months of the war in Donbas (April–August 2014). Understanding the beginning of this war holds high relevance in light of the current full-scale Russian invasion of Ukraine. This research is based on analysis of 38 interviews with EU, Ukrainian, and Russian policymakers, and analysis of documents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main aim of this article is to examine the causes behind the recurring heroic motives of Thermopylae up to the present day. This phenomenon, referred to as the comparative heroisation process, is analyzed in the context of initiation, glorification, and identification of contemporary European soldiers with the Spartan warriors. The author(s) primarily employ a comparative historical method, incorporating some elements of a constructivist approach. The Battle of Mariupol, one of the largest clashes during the invasion of Ukraine, is specifically examined. However, instead of focusing on measuring the actual degree of similarity to Thermopylae, the author(s) concentrate on the metaphorical aspect. The central question raised is: why has the symbolism of Thermopylae persisted? Additionally, the authors explore the continuities and discontinuities that the Mariupol case demonstrates in comparison to earlier historical examples. The author(s) aim to demonstrate that the heroisation process does not necessarily require defenders to possess all sublime virtues. On the contrary, it may be sufficient for the community to aspire to acknowledge, identify with, or achieve certain arch-heroic traits or qualities, which can then be attributed to their respective national courageous champions, irrespective of how closely they resemble the heroic role models [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The media can cause concern in the context of national security: they are described as potential tools and targets of attack that can be "weaponised", and as a space where "information war" is waged. Governments may try to block media that are deemed a security threat, but the rationale for taking such an action deserves careful consideration, given the tension between media restrictions and the democratic principle of free speech. This article scrutinises the security rationale for restrictions imposed by Ukraine on Russian and "pro-Russian" media from 2014. When justifying restrictions, Ukrainian officials highlighted the threat of media content both distorting perceptions of reality and weakening the foundations of Ukrainian nationhood. We, therefore, analyse survey data to investigate whether the use of the banned media was associated with variation in Ukrainian citizens' perceptions of truth and national values. We find that the use of the banned media was linked to mistaken beliefs about the veracity of news headlines, both true and false; it was also associated with lower support for democracy in Ukraine (a key national constitutional value). This evidence from the Ukrainian case informs our discussion about the media's impact on national (in)security and rationales for media restrictions in democratic contexts more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Russian invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022 ignited propaganda efforts from the U.S. executive branch of government and the U.S. media, as the country tried to position itself towards the war not just in the eyes of its citizens but of the entire world as part of its geopolitical power position. A comparative quantitative and qualitative analysis of official U.S. communications and U.S. partisan media coverage in the first week of the invasion aims to uncover how the U.S. government set the agenda and framed the events, and to what extent the media copied or diverged from this agenda-setting and framing. The results suggest a narrow focus and distinct framing on the part of the U.S. government, partly taken over by partisan media. The latter also touched on other topics that fit media logic and provided some counter-frames in line with their ideological positions, yet overall confirmed the dominant framing of the war as unjust, unprovoked and premeditated, as Putin's choice, and the position of the U.S. as the leader of the free world and defender of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]