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Objective: This study was designed to explore the relationships between depression, and the likelihood of suicide among young adolescents by considering various factors. Design and Samples: It was conducted in a descriptive‐cross‐sectional format, with fieldwork spanning from November 16, 2022, to June 30, 2023. The study assessed the likelihood of depression, and suicide in young adolescents attending a university in Eastern Turkey. Measurements: Sociodemographic features survey form, Beck's Depression Inventory and Suicide Probability Scale were used to collect data. Results: The results from this investigation indicated that women, individuals with chronic illnesses, those with a history of psychiatric conditions, those expressing a constant desire to die, those with suicidal thoughts or plans, and those with a family member who had attempted suicide exhibited significantly higher mean scores for depression and suicide. There was a positive correlation between high depression scores and suicidal tendencies. However, no conclusive evidence of a link between depression, and suicide was established. Conclusions: In this study, certain demographic and psychological factors were identified as correlating with elevated levels of depression and suicidal tendencies among young adolescents. It is imperative that individuals identified as being at risk be promptly referred to appropriate units for comprehensive interventions and support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: This study aims to reveal the violent experiences of nurses working in the emergency department and the meanings they attribute to them. Methods: This research was conducted as narrative inquiry and interpretive phenomenology and recruited 15 nurses. Interviews with nurses actively working in the emergency department and who had been exposed to violence by patients or their relatives were conducted with a semi‐structured interview form. The consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ) checklist was used. Results: In the study, three themes were determined (1) Unpredictable event, (2) Interminable effects of violence, and (3) Like a bottomless pit. With seven sub‐themes. Conclusions: This study underlined that violence applied to nurses by patients or relatives of patients in the emergency department is an unexpected situation that causes negative emotions. Violence affects all aspects of life and limits communication with the patient. Coping with a violent situation is challenging for nurses, and they demand support from the management. Summary Statement: What is already known about this topic? Violence is most commonly reported as experienced by nurses in the emergency department.Violence affects nurses deeply and causes negative effects in daily life. What this paper adds: Nurses described the violence perpetrated by patients or by patients' relatives as a situation that causes negative feelings such as anger, worthlessness, and injustice.Nurses emphasized that violence affects their clinical environment and their daily lives. The implications of this paper: The multidimensional and destructive effects of violence on nurses have shown that it is important to make the necessary arrangements quickly to reduce violence in the emergency departmentThe study provides information about the experiences of nurses who have been exposed to violence by patients or their relatives in the emergency department. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of University of Health Sciences Journal of Nursing is the property of Saglik Bilimleri Universitesi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Europe has a rule of law crisis. In the past decade, Turkey, Poland, and Hungary have undermined their democratic societies and compromised the independence of their institutions by affording unprecedented strength to their executive branch and imposing severe restrictions on the public sphere. As their illiberal policies spread, so does the frequency with which individuals adversely affected by these policies seek justice before the European Court of Human Rights. In these cases, Article 35(1) of the European Convention on Human Rights requires that they first exhaust the local remedies available in their national legal system. Article 35(1) reflects the role of the European Court of Human Rights to act as a subsidiary to Europe's national judicial institutions and exercise a margin of appreciation for their ability to deliver a just outcome to litigants. However, this Comment shows that the principle of subsidiarity and the Court's margin of appreciation for sovereign interests have led to an excessively formalistic interpretation of Article 35(1) in cases brought against Turkey and Hungary, leading to unjust conclusions for applicants and undermining the Court's ability to guard against the erosion of rule of law in illiberal democracies. If the Court is to preserve its legitimacy as an institution capable of addressing human rights violations wherever they occur within its jurisdiction, it is critical that it plays a more active role in tackling Europe's rule of law crisis. On this matter, Article 18 offers insight into the means by which the Court can provide relief to applicants and confront any unlawfully implemented state restrictions that compromise democratic governance in Member States without entirely delegitimizing these States' legal and political systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper delves into the evolving research area of emotions and norms within international relations, focusing on the EU-Turkey dynamics amid the Syrian refugee crisis. Utilizing Emotion Discourse Analysis (EDA), it examines discourses from key EU and Turkish leaders between 2011 and 2023 to understand how their emotional responses to Syrian refugees influence the universal norm of human rights. Since the specific interconnection between leadership emotions and human rights norms remains largely unexplored, this study seeks to fill this gap by examining how emotions expressed by leadership in Turkey and the EU variously challenge, protect, or construct human rights norms related to Syrian refugees. Preliminary findings reveal contrasting emotional expressions: while President Erdoğan's discourse often aligns with the protection and construction of human rights norms, EU leaders' emotions reflect a tension between human rights commitments and border security priorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of tolerance is widely embraced in plural contexts, but little is known about how majority members interpret the toleration of minorities. With four studies, we investigated majority group members' interpretations of a minority toleration situation (compared to full acceptance and discrimination situations) as a function of outgroup threat. Study 1 (N = 214) showed that higher perception of threat from Syrian refugees was associated with Turkish natives' stronger likelihood of interpreting a refugee toleration situation as 'acceptance'. Studies 2 (N = 161, threatening context: Syrian refugees‐Turkish natives) and 3 (N = 206, non‐threatening context: homosexuals‐liberal heterosexual students) demonstrated that toleration was interpreted more as a form of acceptance in a high‐threat context, whereas it was perceived more like discrimination in the non‐threatening context. Experimental Study 4 (N = 150, pre‐registered, Muslims‐Christians in the UK) indicated that increasing outgroup threat led to higher legitimization of toleration, which, in turn, related to lower support of minority rights. It is concluded that outgroup threat affects how people interpret the way in which minorities are treated, which has implications for initiatives and policies that try to stimulate tolerance towards minority groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the profound impact of political violence and repression on the mental and physical health of Academics for Peace (AfP) in Turkey. The research combines quantitative and qualitative data to explore the interplay between violence, stigmatization, and health outcomes among the affected academics. This study particularly focuses on the aftermath of the State of Emergency in Turkey in 2016, which led to the dismissal of thousands of academics. We employ the World Health Organization's definition of violence to understand the broad nature of violent acts, encompassing power dynamics and systemic repression. The findings highlight the extensive physical and mental health consequences faced by AfP due to political violence. The prevalence of diagnosed mental illness among respondents is notably high, indicating that exposure to trauma, threats, and repression leads to severe mental distress. Anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress disorder, and musculoskeletal diseases are among the common health issues reported. The research underscores how political violence disrupts psychosocial pillars including safety and security, bonds and networks, justice, roles and identities, and existential meaning, and explores how these disruptions contribute to communal mental health deterioration. It also identifies the impact on well-being of economic losses, uncertainties, and isolation from social and academic networks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores hospitality as a key rhetorical framework for refugee management in Turkey by focusing on how host‐guest relations are mobilized to represent, interpret, and problematize the current state of affairs regarding Syrian refugees, as well as to formulate policies. It analyses the transformation of hospitality rhetoric, the notion of 'compulsory guesthood', and the most recent social cohesion initiatives. I argue that host‐guest metaphors are used to assert power and leverage both domestically and internationally by exerting sovereign control over a post‐imperial nation‐space, performing neo‐imperial guardianship over the downtrodden, and claiming an ethno‐religious, civilizational morality that exceeds the legalistic logic of human rights and entitlements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite insufficient attention, children have the right to a quality educational environment that respects their need for privacy and is designed with their participation. The study aims to seek how to design better private space in kindergarten with the help of the children's perspective. Spatial typologies created by scrutinizing kindergarten environments have been submitted to children's evaluation. In the participatory study conducted in one private kindergarten in Turkey, 20 children aged 5 to 6 have conveyed their thoughts through drawings, group and individual interviews. Data analysis shows that private spaces that have escape holes, allow personal choices, formable, relate its form to confidence and imagination, and provide comfort, support children's privacy needs. Design proposals for spatial typologies have been developed to contribute to academic and practical fields by discussing the impact of this issue on child development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Community & Physician / Toplum ve Hekim is the property of Turk Tabipleri Birligi / Turkish Medical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Fenerbahce University Journal of Health Sciences (FBU-JOSH) / Fenerbahçe Üniversitesi Sağlık Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Fenerbahce University Journal of Health Sciences (FBU-JOSH) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Public opinion is central to understanding when states enforce human rights abroad. Yet we do not have firm evidence regarding why individuals demand government action in some cases of human rights violations, but not others. I argue that economic interests and shared identity play important roles. I employ a pre-registered survey experiment in Turkey measuring the extent to which individuals support sanctioning China for its repressive policies against the minority Uyghur population. Results provide partial support for my hypotheses. The findings have implications for the question of international human rights enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Background and Purpose: This study was conducted in line with the request of the senior management of a hospital. The objective of the current research is to identify managerial problems through the relationship between health employees' perceptions of organizational justice, trust in the manager and the organization, and job satisfaction; develop a solution proposal over the relationships between these variables and motivation variables; and present a model proposal (BUY Model) as a result. Methods: The study sample is comprised of 673 employees. The study data were collected online using a questionnaire consisting of five scales. The data were analyzed by descriptive statistical methods, correlation analysis, and regression analysis. Results: The findings obtained from the study showed that the participants' perceptions of organizational justice, trust in the manager and the organization, job satisfaction and motivation were generally at a moderate level. The study also determined that trust in the manager and the organization had a partial mediation effect on the effect of organizational justice on job satisfaction and the variables of trust in the organization, organizational justice, and trust in the manager, respectively, and especially, the job satisfaction variable also affected motivation. Conclusion: The BUY model was developed to identify problems related to the management of healthcare human resources and solve these problems. Considering the importance of the concepts of job satisfaction and motivation in terms of employee performance, health service quality, and patient satisfaction, it is thought that the developed model will benefit managers of health institutions in increasing the job satisfaction and motivation levels of health employees. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Mediterranean Nursing & Midwifery is the property of Galenos Yayinevi Tic. LTD. STI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article traces the raison d'être for Turkey's withdrawal from the Istanbul Convention. It draws upon two bodies of literature: international human rights regimes (IHRR) and authoritarian survival strategies. The Turkish government faced an electoral defeat in local elections 2019, which represented a serious challenge to the ruling party. To compensate for its loss of power and to consolidate its voter base, the government took some steps for its political survival. This article argues that the dynamics of the withdrawal from the Convention lay primarily behind the authoritarian survival strategies of centralization, legitimation, and repression, and secondarily behind the issue area of the Convention as an international human rights regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the stated topic is determined by the constant decline in the level of democracy in the Republic of Turkey over the past few years, which is characterised by the decline in the development of the fundamental rights and freedoms of its citizens. Arbitrariness in the judicial system, international law violations, antidemocratic legislation is the chosen course for deeper European integration and has every chance to remain an exclusively imaginary strategy without its external embodiment. In this regard, this work is aimed at analysing Turkish legislation in the area of human rights and determining its compliance with the principle of the rule of law. Also, the study is focused on covering the essence of the effective democratic governance, controversial political and legal decisions of the Turkish government, as well as Turkey’s political problems in its relations with the European Union. The leading methods of the study were theoretical methods of generalisation and analysis, with the help of which the current factors inhibiting European integration processes in the state were comprehensively considered, as well as the method of studying regulatory documentation, which made it possible to analyse the national legal framework and the current state of compliance with international treaties in the area of human rights protection. The article reveals the importance of the rule of law and freedom in the fight against discriminatory manifestations within the country, as well as the need to develop a protected legal framework as a necessary criterion for membership of the European Union. At the same time, the gradual waning of democracy and the reinforcement of authoritarianism in the Republic of Turkey were substantiated. The materials of this scientific work are intended to draw the public’s attention to the democratic freedom issue and especially its absence, and the obtained conclusions will be a foundation for further practical studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Equality is a basic human right. However, LGBTQ individuals often have their human rights violated because of their gender identity or sexual orientation. They also experience discrimination because of homophobic and transphobic attitudes. They frequently deal with derisive attitudes at school, are discriminated against in the workplace and struggle to access health services. This paper aims to determine the discriminatory attitudes of nurses in their social and professional lives toward LGBTQ individuals. Design/methodology/approach: This study involved 503 nurses and used a questionnaire to examine their views regarding members of the LGBTQ community. The questionnaire consisted of 24 questions. Ten experts from the fields of social psychology, sociology, and nursing provided the necessary inputs, which were subsequently incorporated into the questionnaire. Findings: The nurses were found to have a negative attitude toward LGBTQ individuals; they felt that they should not be allowed to live in comfort in Turkey and that they disrupted the social order and compromised public morality. It was observed that married (in general), male (in particular), and have fewer nursing education nurses are much more likely to have a discriminatory attitude toward LGBTQ people, and they were more discriminatory in their society rather than in their professional lives. Originality/value: According to the principles of justice and equality, which are a prominent part of the nursing code of ethics – "With the awareness that all people have equal rights, the nurse serves regardless of race, language, religion, age, gender, belief, social and economic status and political opinion" – nurses should not have a discriminatory attitude. This study reveals the inequality and the ethical problems that riddle Turkey's health sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The resurgence of anti-Semitism and other forms of racism and discrimination in Europe is an indicator of the growing political and social acceptance of these dangerous ideas. Muslims are also targets of extremist groups and traditional politicians, facing discriminatory practices and difficulties in obtaining employment or citizenship. Women are also victims of regressive laws and policies, with threats of violence and sexist hate speech. Additionally, human rights defenders and journalists face restrictions and retaliation in their work. Europe is caught in tensions and polarization, with growing indifference and even hostility towards human rights. The article addresses the trend of the new radical right in Europe and Latin America, as well as the far-right movements in the United States known as "Alt-Right". Erdogan's leadership in Turkey is also analyzed from a human rights perspective. The importance of human rights in the fight against inequality and poverty is highlighted, and the need to protect and promote the idea that human rights are universal and indivisible is mentioned. Furthermore, the importance of human rights education is emphasized, and politicians and media are urged to promote and defend human rights. Finally, the need for disciplinary measures against hate speech and participation in racist activities is mentioned. [Extracted from the article]

This study highlights the experiences of Turkish asylum seekers who have been persecuted, victimized, stigmatized, labeled, discriminated against, prosecuted, segregated, and targeted following the Turkish government crackdown after the failed coup attempt in July 2016 and settled in the United States, Canada, and European countries. Data were collected through in-depth interviews, field notes, and documentation, conducted, and subsequently analyzed using the principles of Transcendental Phenomenological Analysis. After examining the most frequently repeated concepts in the interviews, the following three themes emerged: 1) labeling, 2) targeting, and 3) social pressure and psychological status. This study showed the depths of the psychological pressure, discrimination, torture, and humiliation that detained and jailed participants who were excluded from society endured. The paper ends with several recommendations for Turkey to rejoin the community of nations protecting, fulfilling, and respecting human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on an adult‐initiated and child‐led research journey that aimed to explore the path to empower children towards exercising their participation rights in different environments of their lives. To this end, a series of multi‐stage participation empowerment activities were carried out with 60 children in Istanbul, as guided by the child participation model and ecological systems theory. Findings are narrated through children's voices and illustrate their multifaceted opinions, challenges and demands with respect to how they participate in life. Children's experiences in this research journey suggest that grassroots of a child‐to‐child participation network is possible via empowerment and capacity building activities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Actual Problems of Jurisprudence / Habaršy. Zan̦ Seriâsy is the property of Al-Farabi Kazakh National University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to develop an understanding for the social inclusion of disabled performers in a developing country to create awareness and improve policies/practices. Design/methodology/approach: The study employed qualitative methodology, and data were collected through semi-structured interviews, site visits/observations and review of secondary data. Findings: The data from different respondent groups showed the social inclusion should be reviewed at three levels: the state, society and individual. The review of existing policies revealed the neglect of the state regarding disabled people in general and even more so in performing arts due to the lack of enforcement of national and international agreements. Findings indicate that social inclusion of disabled performers is a minor issue, especially in a developing country where access to basic human rights and needs may be difficult. Amidst such difficulties, performing arts is not seen as a priority compared to other needs of disabled people and performers. Research limitations/implications: Limitations include the limited number of disabled performers who could be identified and were willing to participate in the study. Those working in venues/public offices were also reluctant to participate. The greatest limitation was the broad lack of interest in disabled performers. Originality/value: In Türkiye, studies on disabled people tend to focus on basic needs like health, education and employment. None, to best of researchers' knowledge, explore the social inclusion of disabled performers. This is an original study because it collects and discusses primary data on this topic, revealing the state-level negligence/oversight, the apathy of society and the degree to which an individual with disabilities must struggle to participate in performing arts. Consequently, this study shows the difficulty of developing social inclusion, equality and diversity in an emerging economy for disabled performers to raise awareness and present grounds for further legal enforcement. Moreover, implications allow for a global understanding of social inclusion that moves beyond a biased or privileged understanding/critique of disability centered on the developed world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there are legal regulations prohibiting smoking in indoor areas in Turkey, there is none for outdoor areas. Many non-smokers are exposed to environmental tobacco smoking against their will in Turkey. Numerous research efforts have documented the fact that environmental tobacco smoke poses risks to human health because it pollutes the environment by releasing dangerous chemicals into the air that non-smokers breathe. This means that tobacco smoking poses risks to a safe environment and people's lives. People have a right to the environment, as guaranteed by the Turkish Constitution. Since Stockholm Declaration, many countries have recognized that people have a right to a safe environment or that a safe environment is essential to the enjoyment of human rights, including Turkey. However, how non-smokers perceive of the impacts of environmental tobacco smoke on the enjoyment of the right to the environment enshrined within the Turkish legal system has not been studied to date. Accordingly, this research aims to explore how issues relating to environmental tobacco smoke can be approached from an environmental human rights perspective. To achieve this purpose, a qualitative case study was conducted in Istanbul. The results of this analysis show that non-smokers do not enjoy the right to the clean environment guaranteed by the Turkish Constitution due to the ETS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Organising primary prevention programs for child abuse and neglect is among the key responsibilities of the Turkish Society for Prevention of Child Abuse and Neglect (TSPCAN). TSPCAN conducted a project which provided university students who in the future may encounter individuals with child abuse experiences with guidance with regards to a child abuse prevention program. The aim of this study was to qualitatively evaluate the influences of TSPCAN's project on young professionals who were the facilitators of this program as undergraduate students in medical, health and social science degrees. Twenty participants were recruited through a purposeful and convenient sampling method. The data were first collected with a structured questionnaire. Then, two focus groups were conducted with nine (45%) of these participants. Thematic analysis was utilised for both data collection waves. Findings were organised under three themes: (i) aims for participation in the project; (ii) acquired awareness in the project; and (iii) contributions of the project in their professional lives. Findings highlight the importance of including university students in child abuse prevention programs to provide the knowledge and awareness they need as future professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When outside actors criticize domestic rights and freedoms, do voters take notice? We argue that messages coming from outsiders who condition resources on democracy, and who have expertise in democracy promotion, are more likely to change minds. We also argue that partisanship is a moderating variable when it comes to the impact of outside messages: partisan elites help amplify or lessen the impact of outside messages. We offer evidence from a series of survey-experiments we deployed in Turkey, focusing on the roles of the European Union and of the European Court of Human Rights as sources criticism of domestic freedoms. We show that emphasizing expertise and conditional benefits can cause more belief updating. We also show that pro-government voters are likely to change their minds but that opposition supporters may do so as well. Non-partisan voters show some evidence of backlash, possibly because they are disengaged and alienated from elites. The argument has implications for the ability of outside actors to influence domestic-level processes related to democracy in countries in imperfect democracies and in countries sliding towards authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Ombudsman is an impartial and independent institution, which contributes to the dominance of good governance principles and participatory democracy in the operations of the administrations, reduces the burden of the judiciary system, supervises the administrations, and makes recommendations. The Ombudsman, to which individuals apply against the actions and transactions of the administrations that may cause them victimization, guides the actions and transactions of the administrations and eliminates individual victimization by its decisions. There is no study in the literature that analyzes the Ombudsman's decisions using qualitative and quantitative analytic methods within the scope of good management principles. To fill this gap, a total of 724 Ombudsman decisions made between 2016-2022 within the scope of the public personnel regime in Türkiye were examined in terms of good governance principles using content analysis, which is a qualitative analysis method. Findings showed that 47% of Ombudsman applications are for the actions and transactions of the Ministry of Health, Ministry of National Education, and University Rectorates. According to the subject of the application, 67% of the applications were related to the appointment, assignment and staffing requests, and the payment of financial rights. The number of non-compliance with good management principles in 724 decisions examined was 922 and 43.6% belonged to the administrations of the Ministry of Health, University Rectorates and the Ministry of National Education. Pearson X² (chi-square) test, a quantitative analysis method, was run to determine whether the compliance of the administrations with good governance principles is different. It was observed that there are significant differences in the level of compliance of the administrations with some good governance principles, including 'Showing the remedies against the decision, Compliance with the law, Courtesy, Transparency, Compliance with the rightful expectation, Protection of vested rights, and Right to information'. It cannot be stated that the principles of good governance were fully addressed and examined in detail in the Ombudsman's reports. It is recommended that in the ombudsman's decisions, the incompatibilities be identified in the 'Assessment of Compliance with Law, Equity and Human Rights' section in terms of good governance principles in the 'Evaluation of Good Governance Principles' section. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ankara Barosu Dergileri is the property of Ankara Bar Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This document is a preface to a special issue of the journal "Religion & Human Rights." The issue focuses on the intersection of freedom of religion or belief and gender equality, with a particular emphasis on the Turkish case. The articles in the issue discuss the challenges and transformations in this area and suggest ways to achieve greater compliance with international human rights law. The preface also mentions a conference that was held on this topic and introduces some of the articles included in the special issue, which cover topics such as the rights of women in religious services, the debate over the headscarf in Turkey, representations of Islamic veiling in film, and gender equality in Alevi places of worship. The preface concludes by thanking the authors and the organizers of the conference. [Extracted from the article]

Two cross‐sectional studies were conducted with undergraduate and graduate students (mean age = 22 years) in two university campuses in different regions of Turkey to investigate confrontations between conservative religious people and secular‐liberal people and the roles of fundamentalism and authoritarianism for these groups. Study 1 investigated the connections between traditional religiosity and liberties and the impact of religious fundamentalism with a sample of 482 participants. Using hierarchical multiple linear regression and bootstrapping analysis, religiosity was seen as negatively connected to three components of liberties. It was shown that religious fundamentalism had an indirect effect on this connection. In Study 2, with a sample of 260 participants, the negative connection between traditional religiosity with liberties was confirmed. Further, it was found that particularly the conservatism dimension of right‐wing authoritarianism played an explanatory role in this connection. In addition, as an extension of the two studies, it was observed that secular‐liberal participants supported civil liberties in general, but they expressed opposition to freedom of religion in particular, indicating that the antagonism between religious and secular people may also stem from secular‐liberal people. It was found that dimension of aggression of left‐wing authoritarianism played an explanatory role in connection to this aspect. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Epilepsy is one of the most common neurological diseases and is a chronic disease that affects the patient for life. In addition, the fact that there may be changes in consciousness in an individual with epilepsy carries them to a different legal dimension in cases such as accidents, uncorrected proof 2 crimes, and injuries. This study aimed to investigate how often epilepsy appears and how it plays out in the decisions of the supreme court. Materials and Methods: Data scanning for the study was conducted using the National Judicial Network Information System (UYAP). Cases containing the word "epilepsy" were scanned in all case files in the UYAP system covering 2000-2021. The subjects of the cases were examined in terms of illness, with the findings recorded in the data search file. Results: A total of 428 files containing the word "epilepsy" were identified in the UYAP system. Among them, 231 records pertained to 2016-2021, 129 to 2010-2015, and 68 to 2000-2009. There were a total of 232 files pertaining to penal departments and 171 to law departments. Conclusion: The rights of adults with epilepsy in their working life and the situations they are exposed to during marriage and divorce may differ from the norm. Furthermore, the conditions for holding a driver's license differ, and if a license is obtained, the situation regarding an accident involving an individual with epilepsy is legally evaluated differently. Whether individuals with epilepsy have the right to be deemed disabled and the requirements for guardians or legal counsel during legal proceedings are determined by law and decided by physicians. The laws and regulations are standard, but the clinical, psychiatric, and mental status, as well as the conditions of each epileptic patient may be different. This study was conducted to determine how the condition of epilepsy plays out in the Turkish legal system. Knowing the existing forensic examples will help us better understand the legal dimension of this disease. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many parts of the world, labour has increasingly turned to legal means to defend and advance its interests in the face of formidable challenges. Constitutional protection of labour rights has gained a new impetus as these rights have come to be seen as an essential ingredient of human rights. Within this context, the paper aims to feed into the research on the constitutional protection of collective labour rights exploring the jurisprudence of the Turkish Constitutional Court (TCC) as an example of the treatment of these rights as human rights. I contend that the type of constitutional review that grants litigants direct access to the court bolsters the review of labour rights as human rights. Being such a legal remedy, the Turkish individual application system, which necessitates a close collaboration between the TCC and the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR), provides labour with new windows of opportunities compared with the constitutionalty review of laws procedure. Although the TCC's collective labour rights case law in individual applications includes some unsatisfactory judgments from labour's viewpoint, it has largely contributed to the constitutional protection of collective labour rights in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Community & Physician / Toplum ve Hekim is the property of Turk Tabipleri Birligi / Turkish Medical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

For authoritarian-minded leaders, the COVID-19 crisis offered a convenient pretext to silence critics and consolidate power. Populist and autocratic leaders used the crisis as an excuse to do things they had long planned to do but had not been able to. Using a narrative literature review, this study examines the authoritarian responses to COVID-19 in Brazil and Turkey between 2020 and 2021. Available articles were retrieved from Medline and Google Scholar using a non-systematic approach using inclusion and exclusion criteria. Major identified authoritarian responses were imprisoning human rights defenders, journalists, lawyers, political activists, and medical professionals; flaunting public health and human rights laws; blaming other countries for causing the pandemic; and underreporting COVID cases. The study concludes that these actions had devastating consequences for democracy, human rights, and public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for shelter, which started for the purpose of protection since the existence of human beings, has become a phenomenon within the right to life in time. For individuals to lead a life worthy of human dignity, the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights and some conventions have mentioned the right to shelter and housing. Several legislative studies on the right to housing have also been carried out in Türkiye. Since the foundation of the Republic, the support and protection of middle and lower-income groups have been provided by the concept of social state in certain periods. In this context, articles expressing the right to housing were included in the 1961 and 1982 Constitutions. In addition, the concept of housing has undergone a conceptual change in recent years and has turned into an economic indicator by turning into a commodity with a right. For this reason, the house is perceived as a building an economic value apart from the physical space covered with walls. Towards the end of 2021, due to the worldwide financial crisis, the high increase in foreign exchange prices, and the related increasing costs in housing construction, it has become almost impossible for low-income people to access a decent home. This study aims to is to discuss to what extent the right of access to housing, whose construction costs have increased due to global economic crises, can be used. In the study, it has been revealed that when compared to other urban rights, it is not possible to apply the right to housing equally for everyone, that the implementation of this right is costly to the states and that the housing problems are tried to be solved by developing policies instead of using the right to housing. In the conclusion part, it is stated that necessary legal arrangements should be made so that the right to housing is perceived as a human right, not a constitutional right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tokel v Turkey; with case note by Elena Izyumenko [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Similar to the trajectory in many countries, social work education in Turkey developed in the aftermath of World War II, the foundations of which were shaped along international dynamics rather than local context. In this regard, there has been an ongoing debate on localization of social work education. This article discusses the historical trajectory of social work education in Turkey through a systematic review of literature and analysis of data collected by semi-structured interviews with key informants. The implications of neoliberalism for the social work profession in Turkey reflect a dual framework where the human rights perspective co-exists with a faith-based approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 2021, Turkey's president announced a new Human Rights Action Plan (HRAP), supported by the Council of Europe, to reform the judiciary system and strengthen democratic participation. Although the human rights claims of Kurds and Alevis have been prominent, the HRAP mentions neither by name. Instead, it includes articles about improving the rights of religious minorities by fighting discrimination and hate and to advance pluralism, revising the Foundations Law regarding the establishment and election of boards of directors of non-Muslim community associations, and providing leave for religious holidays regardless of faith. Given the current distrust between non-Muslim groups and the Turkish state, this study analysed the political attitudes of Turkey's non-Muslim minorities to understand how they develop creative solutions to protect their rights. To do so, we interviewed Armenian deputies in Turkey's parliament and prominent figures from the Greek Orthodox, Armenian, and Jewish communities, and also reviewed in-depth the minority deputies' parliamentary work between 2015 and 2021. We found that the HRAP was widely discussed by both minority and opposition parliamentary deputies. However, they did not strongly welcome any of its provisions because the government had previously ignored or delayed their demands. As a result, while the new foundations law announced in June 2022 created hope for democratic representation, the law also reflects the Turkish state's historical distrust of minorities, and with its constraints on election districts the process turned to a bittersweet joy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Çalışma ve Toplum is the property of Calisma ve Toplum and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Community & Physician / Toplum ve Hekim is the property of Turk Tabipleri Birligi / Turkish Medical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Community & Physician / Toplum ve Hekim is the property of Turk Tabipleri Birligi / Turkish Medical Association and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Türkiye's human rights situation continues to deteriorate, especially since the failed coup attempt in 2016. Many of the provisions introduced under the state of emergency remain in force and anti-terrorism laws as well as provisions regarding national security have been used to curtail fundamental rights and freedoms. In 2021, violations of the freedom of expression and the rights to liberty and security ranked first and second respectively in the ECtHR decisions against Türkiye. In the same year, Türkiye ranked first in amounting to the highest number of cases filed against a country with the ECtHR. Türkiye's new "Disinformation Law" (Law No. 7418) has raised further concerns regarding freedom of expression in the country. This survey seeks to illustrate some of the most important developments regarding human rights in Türkiye in 2021 and 2022, particularly focusing on freedom of expression and the right to liberty and security (arbitrary detentions). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this review is to evaluate the main causes, prevalence and possible solutions of obstetric violence. The articles accessed by searching Pubmed, Scopus, Medline, Science Direct, Google Scholar databases with the keywords "obstetrics and violence" "obstetric violence" were evaluated. The scope of the study consisted of 13 studies published between 2012 and 2022. According to the study findings, the prevalence of obstetric violence was reported to vary between 25 and 79.7%. In another study, it was determined that 33.3% of women experienced obstetric violence in their last births and 17.1% were exposed to non-consensual care. In addition, the lack of information on the subject and the fear of talking about women who have experienced it make it difficult to prevent and eliminate this type of violence. Obstetric violence is divided into various categories such as physical, verbal and sexual abuse, neglect and abandonment of care, all forms of discrimination and finally iatrogenic procedures such as unnecessary surgeries and caesarean sections. The last category, over-treatment, has been widely recognised in developed countries, particularly in the USA. Other forms of violence have been attributed to developing and underdeveloped countries. Every woman needs and is entitled to access to skilled and quality health care during labour. Tackling obstetric violence is a critical step for maternal, foetal and newborn health, given that an adverse birth experience leads to maternal stress and slows the birth process, thereby increasing the likelihood of complications and postnatal depression. Validated and reliable tools to measure mistreatment of women during labour should be developed, as well as interventions to prevent mistreatment and promote respectful care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research, we analyzed the life studies lesson textbooks taught in Turkey as of 2019-2020 within the scope of the United Nations Convention on the Rights of the Child (UNCRC). Considering this purpose, we conducted content analysis using the document analysis method, one of the qualitative research methods. As a result, two themes emerged from life studies textbooks (LSTs), namely "the formation of the perception of children's rights" and "the basic rights of immigrants and children with special needs," and we developed a total of 17 codes belonging to these themes. We found that the texts in the LSTs do not contain enough information and findings within the scope of the articles of the UNCRC. In some themes, children's rights are expressed intensely, while in other themes they are not included at all. Our findings suggest that children's rights are expressed in the books but do not sufficiently address children's rights as stated in the 54 articles of the UNCRC. In addition, the themes around children's rights included in the textbooks are very scattered; we determined that there is no balanced distribution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All living things, regardless of whether they are humans or not, have needed shelters or houses throughout history in order to be protected from external threats, to maintain their lives in a healthy environment, and to meet their sheltering needs. Housing can be thought of as a living phenomenon since the first moment of the existence of living things. From this perspective, with the development of human rights, it has become necessary for the right to housing to take its place as a fundamental right. Right to housing, which is guaranteed by both international documents and domestic legislation of countries, is one of the most fundamental aspects of human rights first and then of rights to the city. However, the right to housing can be ignored for reasons such as practices that conflict with the law or housing policies based on rent. Against these situations, individuals show their reactions in various ways. These ways are sometimes in the form of protest marches, and sometimes by methods such as rent strikes or housing occupations. In this study, firstly, the importance of the right to housing in international law and Turkish legislation has been determined, then the problems related to housing have been examined and the concept of housing activism, which has been caused by these problems, has been tried to be expressed with examples from the world and Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The climate change crisis is rising against humanity in all its grandness. Although there are various global initiatives in the fight against the phenomenon, it does not seem possible to say that these practices are sufficient. The mitigation and adaptation strategies put forward in this direction should be evaluated and designed in a new perspective. The just transition approach offers a range of principles based on social justice that can be taken as a basis and acted upon within the scope of combating climate change. In the study, it is desired to draw attention to the just transition approach, which sees the fight against climate change on the basis of human rights and proposes a planning and implementation practice in this direction. It is thought that this approach can provide a unique perspective to the practices of combating climate change, which is thought to have an important place in Turkey's current and near future agenda. However, the aim of bringing the just transition, which has a circulation of about ten years in the international literature, to the Turkish literature stands out as another goal of the article. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Moral intelligence is an important parameter that forms the basis and cornerstone of ethics in nursing. It is necessary to determine whether moral intelligence is reflected in the care that forms the basis of nursing. This study was carried out with the aim of determining the reflections of nurses' moral intelligence levels on their care behaviors. Findings: This study was descriptive and cross‐sectional in nature. The study's sample size is 200 nurses. A personal Information Form, Moral Intelligence Scale, and Caring Behaviors Scale were used to collect data. It was determined that nurses' moral intelligence levels and caring behavior average scores were high. There was a highly significant positive connection (p = 0.001) between the mean scores of the moral intelligence total and subdimensions. And the mean scores of the caring behavior total and subdimensions. Practical Implications: It is very important to determine the moral intelligence levels, which are acquired and developed ability and directly affect nursing care, and to take initiatives to improve the quality of the care provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aimed to determine the views on democratic school culture in schools and provide a conceptual framework for democratic school culture. The sample of the study, which used a descriptive survey design, consisted of 516 primary school and 378 secondary school students, 592 school administrators/teachers, and 609 parents of students from pilot and volunteering schools in 10 provinces in Turkey within the scope of "Democratic Citizenship and Human Rights Education Project" (Edirne, Elazığ, Istanbul, Konya, Manisa, Mardin,Sakarya, Mersin, Samsun, Yozgat).Data were collected using "Democratic School Culture Scales" developed in the project. The data collected were evaluated under five dimensions: (i) Communication, Interaction, and Cooperation, (ii) School and Learning Environment, (iii) Identity and Belonging, (iv) Responsibility, and (v) Decision-making Process. According to the opinions of students, administrators-teachers and parents, it was identified that there was medium and high level democratic school culture in the schools. It was concluded that the project made a contribution in this sense.Teachers, administrators and parents had high mean scores in communication, interaction and collaboration dimensions and students had high mean scores in identity, sense of belonging, and responsibility dimensions Significant differences were found in the democratic school culture dimensions in terms of education level and type of duty. We recommend that new activities and training programs be designed for areas in need of development, to create and sustain a democratic school culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Alternative Politics / Alternatif Politika is the property of Alternatif Politika and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Organizing weekly silent sit‐in protests since the mid‐1990s, the families of the disappeared created Turkey's longest‐lasting civil disobedience movement, known as the Saturday Mothers. Ritualizing their resistance, the group maintained the feeling of solidarity among its participants, attracted spectators, and ensured public visibility. Yet, as this protest form became popular, the participants felt uncomfortable with how they were represented in the wider public, especially how they were reduced to the spectacle of suffering in official and popular discourses. Thus, they often found themselves grappling with the tension between their desire to become visible and their refusal to be represented as a public spectacle of mothers' suffering. Rather than solely focusing on material and spiritual resources of the movement, activists' meaning‐making processes, or the state's tactics to end the movement, this article introduces the analytics of ritual and spectacle to highlight the ongoing negotiations between protestors' subjectivity, collective action, popular representations of the protest, and state violence. The productive tension between ritualized protest and its spectacularized lives suggests a need to revise anthropological theories about progressive social movements that juxtapose the hidden versus public, the individual versus collective, and the institutionalized versus spontaneous forms of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]