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The article examines why it was important to the modern republican Turkish state, which saw the non-Muslim minorities as a threat to its security and a potential source of fifth column activities, to propose their inclusion in the draft. In order to answer this question, the article explores the issue of the recruitment of the non-Muslim minorities as presented in the official protocols and in writings of the senior Turkish decision-makers who attended the Lausanne conference of 1922–23. The main argument of this article is that the introduction of non-Muslim conscription in modern Turkey was less an act of integration and more a contribution to two broader aims: demographic engineering to remove 'suspect' or 'unassimilable' national and religious minorities, and economic Turkification, which aimed to force transfer of property from non-Muslim into Muslim hands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that the Justice and Development Party (AKP) has instrumentalised the Turkish army by conducting military operations in the run-up to elections. Although ending military tutelage has been interpreted in other countries as a sign of the professionalisation of the army, in Turkey it has done the opposite: the civilianisation discourse and civilian hegemony over military institutions have led to the instrumentalisation of the army. I demonstrate that the number of military operations significantly increased in the lead-up to elections, which strongly indicates the extent of instrumentalisation. Previous studies have primarily focused on the army’s praetorian role, neglecting the instrumentalisation process in which the military is engaged. This paper analyses the operational aspect of the army and introduces the concept of instrumentalisation. I contend that the cessation of military tutelage in Turkey has resulted in the securitisation of both society and politics. The failed coup in 2016, the double elections of 2015, and the heightened interest in the defence sector during election periods provide strong grounds for examining the instrumentalisation hypothesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the changing public attitudes in Turkey towards the Turkish Armed Forces (TSK), which has historically been among the country's most trusted institutions. Informed by theoretical discussions in the literature and the political trajectory the country has taken over recent years, the study highlights partisan polarization and autocratization as two intertwining factors that inform public perceptions of the Turkish military. The analytical focus is mainly on the voters of the main opposition party. The findings of the regression analysis provide evidence for a significant and rather abrupt shift; CHP voters appear to have lost their confidence in the military. Following a reconfiguration of the political system over recent years, the TSK's image has altered too. It seems it is not 'the guardian of republican values' anymore, but now instead 'the military of a new, hybrid regime in the making' where the boundaries between state and government are obfuscated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars largely view populism as a democratic game and study it through the lens of civilian mass politics, thereby, dismissing the role of the military elite. Nevertheless, populist mobilization may introduce new dynamics into the political landscape of countries that have a long history of politically active militaries. This article scrutinizes the degree and type of civilian control of the military in populist settings. It primarily contends that incumbent populists tend to limit the veto power of the military. However, civilianization in populist regimes does not occur through a consistent reform agenda geared towards democratic governance of the security sector. Populists instead seek to gain personal control of the military through individual, communal, or ideological ties to civilian leadership. The personal model does not aim to hinder the military's political influence. On the contrary, it politicizes the army and seeks to use it under civilian authority towards shared goals. However, populism operates on shaky ground due to the institutional decay it causes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the relationship between civil–military relations and professional military education (PME) in Türkiye before the 2016 coup attempt. Its main argument is that an effective PME system could not be realized due to the problematic nature of civil–military relations. The dominant role of the military in politics turned PME into a domain reserved solely for soldiers; however, this autonomy did not help the officer corps to create an effective PME system. Based on historical analyses, this article concludes that civil–military cooperation is necessary for developing a successful PME system, and it endorses Mukherjee's integrated model. Moreover, it shows that civil–military cooperation for the development of PME is a requirement regardless of the nature of civil–military relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The March 12 Memorandum is the second military intervention disrupted democracy in Turkey during the multiparty period. The main reason of second intervention to democratic regime after 11 years is related with the opinion that regime shaped by soldiers did not work as they wishes. However, the intervention on March 12th differs from the coup in 1960 in terms of shape and the size of the intervention. While the soldiers took power directly on May 27, displacement coup took place on March 12th. In other words, the current Government was forced to resign and replaced with a new civilian government which acting under the direction of soldiers. One of the most important factors in determining the way of intervention on March 12th is the differences in political views among the politicized generals. Likewise, soldiers' political perspective and the methods they chose accordingly were decisive on the political regime that took shape after the coup. At this point, the Praetorian typology put forward by Eric A. Nordlinger is very useful for understanding the political behavior of soldiers who have become political actors. Because Nordlinger's conceptualization of moderate praetorianism makes it easier to understand the political perspectives of high-ranking officers and their political behavior during the march 12th process. To explain the March 12 Memorandum and the regime that was in effect between 1971 and 1973 in a theoretical framework and to understand the political process in this context will shed light on the path to September 12, when the soldiers directly seized the power - for the longest time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Amme Idaresi Dergisi is the property of Public Administration Institute for Turkey & the Middle East (TODAIE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey has experienced a heterogeneous collection of social movements and protests. While scholars have given substantial attention to coups in this context, it remains unclear if the Turkish Armed Forces have ever defected in favour of civilian mobilization during periods of political instability. In large-N databases on defection, cases in Turkey are either disproportionately skewed towards coups or are fully absent of observations on defection during resistance campaigns. In this study, we analyse cases spanning 1959–2017 to trace patterns of defection. Through triangulating qualitative evidence from memoirs of former military officers, media reports, and interviews carried out with multi-generational political actors, our analysis reveals that three instances of defection occurred in times of mass mobilization, two of which were vertical and one horizontal. Alongside three other instances of defection that occurred during coup attempts, these results illustrate the highly dynamic nature of defection in the Turkish context through interrelated processes of mobilization, defection, and coups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The civil-military relations literature on Turkey focuses predominantly on the guardianship role of the Turkish military, its interventions, and the role of the National Security Council as the main institutional mechanism of military tutelage. Yet, the existing studies lack a much-needed focus on the law enforcement or policing missions of the Turkish military. To fill this gap, this study discusses the EMASYA Protocol (Emniyet Asayiş Yardımlaşma or Security and Public Order Assistance), a secret protocol signed in 1997. Emerging in the context of political instability and military tutelage of the 1990s, the Protocol enabled the military to conduct internal security operations without permission from the civilian authorities. This paper argues that the EMASYA Protocol provided a sphere of "reformulated new professionalism" for the Turkish military, enabled it to specialize in the war against rising internal threats such as reactionary Islam and Kurdish separatism, and created anomalies in civil-military relations in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper analyses 10 critical years of civil–military relations in Turkey by investigating a possible civilianisation and the growing AK Party influence in the military. As has been discussed by Turkish experts via a plethora of works, there have been unprecedented developments in Turkish civil–military relations during the AK Party's administration. Yet, recent events—namely, the 15 July attempted coup, the institutional and legal changes instigated during the ensuing state of emergency and President Erdoğan's questionable position as both the AK Party leader and commander‐in‐chief—require us to reconsider the current status of civil–military relations. This paper first analyses the relevant theoretical debates in the literature. Second, it briefly summarises key events from the AK Party era. Thereafter, the paper analyses the so‐called Fethullah Gülen incident. Lastly, the paper analyses the institutional amendments regarding civil–military relations, examining whether there is an increasingly partisan influence over the military. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the post-2016 military reforms and examines the meaning of civilian oversight and control that these reforms have brought. For almost two decades, the establishment of civilian supremacy over the military has been discussed in terms of democratic control of the armed forces. The article claims that although the post-2016 reforms installed civilian supremacy, they diverge from this approach significantly. Instead, they display the basic characteristics of coup-proofing strategies. The article aims to ignite scholarly interest in and initiate discussions on the conceptual appropriateness of the notion of coup-proofing for capturing Turkey's civil–military relations since 15 July 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article questions the applicability of Moskos' institutional/occupational model in a non-Western country whose modernization process resembles that of Western countries. This may be important for two reasons: First, most military sociologists have based their theories on the military's position and development in Western societies. Whether the historical military development in Turkey resembles Western militaries due to the 19th-century military modernization efforts through Western experts' guidance with the military as leader in the nation's modernization or whether this historical military development had a unique structure and mission involving founding the country is debatable. Second, most existing studies on the Turkish military and civil-military relations in Turkey have been conducted by journalists, political scientists, and historians and lack a background in sociological theory. Instead, these studies have discussed the direct or indirect interventions of armed forces in politics. This paper begins building the theoretical foundation for a discussion of the opportunities and challenges of reorganizing Turkey's civil-military relations by examining the applicability of one Western model to this non-Western country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The goal of this article is to discuss the role and importance of proclaiming the Republic of Turkey, as well as the principles of kemalism, in the process of creating the contemporary armed forces and civil-military relations in this country, which to this day constitute a unique example on the international arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UN Department of Peacekeeping Operations has undergone significant changes in its organisation since 1948. A new global environment established by the end of Cold War, elevated the Police Division to a more pronounced role in international peace as an essential pillar of UN peacekeeping missions. Nonetheless, despite the increased role of police in international missions, research on police contributions to peacekeeping remains limited. This article addresses this gap in literature by highlighting the case of Turkey's contribution to UN international police peacekeeping missions. The article confirms empirically that the Turkish police contribution has increased since the 2000s by relying on quantitative data offered by the TUBAKOV dataset designed to collect data on international peacekeeping missions of Turkey. The paper contends that, besides global trends, the increased participation of Turkey in UN-led missions reflects its internal political dynamics. First, under the JDP rule, Turkey's Cold War era subtle foreign policy was transformed to a proactive policy in global politics. Second, since the 2000s, the transformation of civil–military relations has ended the system of military tutelage, and this has had a considerable impact on foreign policy. Civilian authority, by abolishing military dominance, has become the primary actor in foreign policy decision-making. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Existing work on civil-military relations in Turkey has left the question of coup outcomes understudied. Although coups organized in line with the military chain of command are automatically assumed most likely to succeed, not all coup attempts carried out by junior/mid-ranking officers are doomed to fail. While 27 May 1960 coup by junior officers succeeded, three other coups attempted outside the chain of command in 1962, 1963, and 15 July 2016 in Turkey failed. Why? This article uses 'coordination game' framework as a theoretical tool to provide an answer. These cases lend significant support to application of game theoretic models to the literature on military coup outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attempted coup of July 16, 2016 caught many observers of Turkey by surprise. It was either hoped or believed that the age of military intervention was over. After all, hadn't Turkey's military been politically pacified following EU-centered reforms and after waves of resignations and indictments of top officers resulting from allegations of deep-state conspiracies against the government? We argue the contrary; in Turkey, the armed forces remained a political actor and had failed to professionalize. In addition, the Turkish military were plagued by in-fighting and factionalism, most notably officers aligned to the Gulen movement. These two factors, factionalism and unprofessionalism, were the main reasons why Turkey experienced yet another attempted coup. Such a state of affairs highlights Turkey's seemingly perpetual crisis in its civil–military relations, a significant obstacle on the road to democratization and a lesson to other countries with histories of military interference in the political process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how a specific set of institutions influence the decisions of the military coups considering the degree and form of intervention in political processes. Topics include the existing studies on military coups which provide arguments on the potential determinants of coups including income inequality, income growth, and military centrality, the consensus met by the civil-military relations literature on the target of military coups in determining the concept, and the cases of conflict in Egypt and Turkey from the impact of constitutional design on the probability of coups.

This article examines the Turkish National Security Council's (NSC's) constitutional status within the executive organ of the state. It surveys security councils of 31 countries to demonstrate the peculiarity of the NSC's status. It explores how the constitutional articles on the NSC were developed in the making of the 1961 and 1982 Turkish Constitutions. It examines the discussions in constituent assemblies, draft constitutions and reasoned reports of constitutional commissions in order to ascertain the motives behind the establishment of this tutelary council. The paper also offers insights into the importance and meaning of reforms that the NSC has undergone since 2001. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims at opening the blackbox of the Turkish military by presenting the findings of a survey conducted among 1401 officers in May-August 2015. The findings, which could be defined as the snapshot of the Turkish military's officer corps views, show that, as the ranks decrease, there are some major trends influencing the officer corps. These include heterogenization and diversification of opinions from collectivist to an individualist understanding of life, from an elitist to an egalitarian view of society, and change from valuecentric service to a focus on financial goals and career opportunities. The findings also indicate that the Turkish Army, Air Force and Navy's organizational cultures are dissimilar regarding their stance towards military transformation, organizational restructuring and some socio-political issues such as the extent of secularist sentiment, religiosity and political orientations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 2000s, civil–military relations in Turkey have been tremendously overhauled. The National Security Council (MGK) lay at the crux of this transformation. This semi-military council was considered to be the principal formal channel that allowed the military to intervene in politics. Therefore, the reforms toward more civilian domination in the MGK were extensively hailed and reckoned as the end of the military’s protracted political role. However, subsequent developments did not verify this initial optimism about the demise of the old pattern of strong military presence in politics. This study examines the political activism of the reformed MGK. It suggests that the reforms trimmed the military’s power through subjecting its functions to civilian control. Nevertheless, this shift proved insufficient to end MGK’s political role. The MGK still actively takes part in politics and preserves its executive authority, although this authority is now performed concertedly by civilians and the soldiers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Several cases of coups d’état in the post-Cold War period suggest that, in some coup-prone countries, the classical way of taking over governments by armies may have given way to new coup mechanisms. However, students of military politics have yet to study in sufficient depth the nature and reasons for new type(s) of coups. Taking its cue from these cases, this article studies the deviant single case of the February 28th coup process in Turkey in 1997, which entirely diverged from the old textbook coup method the Turkish military had excelled at executing during the Cold War. In seeking to explore the conditions under which the Turkish army chose to follow a new coup playbook, this article focuses on two factors: the distinct American position that vetoed a hard coup and the end of the state’s monopoly on TV broadcasting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most of the developing and under-developed countries are facing army dominance in political matters. Turkey is also facing this challenge but it's case is different in the way that here the army has ruled systematically through constitutional provisions. Contrarily, The Grand National Assembly of Turkey has been trying consistently to reduce army influence through legislation. There have been total 21 amendments in Turkish Constitution of 1980 till now. Especially, the amendments passed in the year 2010 are historical achievement which paved the way for the trial of last two alive members of 1980 coup, General Kenan Erven, the leader of the coup and Tahsin Şahinkaya for their criminal activities in 1980. The purpose of this study is to analyze the effectiveness of the constitutional amendments passed by GNAT to abolish systematic control of Turkish army over civilian government. Hence, a brief account of civil-military relations since the Ottoman Era, founding ideology of Turkey and armed forces' perception of being the sole guardian are also being given in this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the increasing authoritarianism of the Islamist Turkish Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan during his tenure throughout the early 21st century, including the impact that attempted July 15, 2016 coup d'etat had on authoritarianism in Turkey. The role that military officers and members of the Gülen movement played in the July 2016 coup, including the possible role that Muslim preacher Fetullah Gülen played in planning the coup, is discussed.

For decades, change in Turkish foreign policy has remained as "a neglected phenomenon" in the literature while continuity is explained with two main pillars: Westernization and preference for the status quo. The topic started gaining popularity at the end of 2000s when some conflicts of interest emerged between Turkey and its traditional partners. Scholars mainly explained this change as the result of the new Turkish leadership under Recep Tayyip Erdoğan's Justice and Development Party (AKP). While the debate in this period provided extensive literature on the subject, the arguments created could not explain the policy fluctuations during the AKP era. In this article, the change in AKP foreign policy is examined during three time periods that show different characteristics in terms of domestic and international opportunities/constraints. It is argued that while Westernization still remains an important pillar in Turkish foreign policy, the main change seems to be in Turkey's traditional preference for the status quo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a profound importance with regard to Turkey's relationship and the Western Balkan states and their societies. This paper first analyses the Western Balkans from an historical developmental point of view and see its relationship ground towards the modern Turkish state having in mind their historical, cultural, religious, political, military and economical ties. Secondly it will be analysed the Turkish state policies towards the Western Balkans region and their states and societies. In the third part of the paper it will be focusing towards the Turkish coup d'états history and the civil-military issues that rise in the Turkish political history from the very beginning of its state formation and last until today. In the fourth part I will be structuring my paper while analysing the coup d'état attempt on the 15th of July and the Gulen movement as one the most important factor for the coup launch. In the last part actually the fifth I will be focusing on the coup d'état attempt of the 15th of July and its reflection in the Western Balkans as a political and universal event that dismantled the citizen sovereignty and legitimacy in general. Moreover, Turkish political relations with the Western Balkan states will be observed and future perspectives will be discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role played by the armed forces of Turkey in the political conditions of the country. A large number of members of the military have been charged with crimes which include conspiracy against the elected government to terrorism. Information is also offered on the civil-military relations.

The implications of technology have been widely acknowledged in international relations. Studies ranging from the causes of war and military effectiveness to terrorism and nuclear proliferation have explored how technology shapes international politics. However, the implications of technology in domestic politics have not been scrutinised much. This paper helps fill this vacuum through an analysis of Turkey's civil-military relations. Although civilian control over the Turkish military has improved in the past decade, this process has not been smooth. With a focus on the recent court cases involving the military, the 2007 e-memorandum and the transfer of electronic military intelligence apparatus to the civilian authority, this paper demonstrates how technology has become an important domain for civil-military relations in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When a military staged an intervention during the Cold War, students of civil-military relations could quite easily tell if it was a coup d’état. This no longer seems to be the case. The reason may be the regnant understanding of coup d’état as a violent (bloody), swift, and extralegal/extra-constitutional seizure of power by first and foremost military officers or members of state apparatus after a long time of secret planning. This article takes stock of political complexities surrounding coups in our times by studying the nationally and internationally neglected case of February 28th(1997) coup process in Turkey as a ‘deviant case’, based on newly-revealed military documents as primary sources and several previously unstudied memoirs by army officers of the period. It argues that the February 28thcoup was deliberately stretched over a long process, it was violent but not bloody, was staged almost openly through ‘theoretically constitutional political operations’ and psychological warfare against the elected government. Several select ‘civilian’ groups from the media, judiciary, trade unions, and non-governmental organisations were happily enlisted by the military as active participants in the coup caravan and without them as unique and pioneering a coup as the February 28thcould not be executed. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the progress and shortcomings of democratic control of armed forces (DCAF) reforms in Turkey and seeks to question how Turkey might be further motivated to implement reforms. It questions official motives in each reform process and finds two main motives for progress: the prospect of EU accession and democratization. It finds the motive for the existing shortcomings as the goal for allowing a degree of authority for military within DCAF in order to prevent political abuse of military power. Thus it seems that Turkey might be motivated to overcome these shortcomings only when its understanding of DCAF details a full subordination of military to civilian authority. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although most scholars of Turkey’s civil-military relations argue that the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) insurgency has led to a decrease in civilian control over the Turkish military from the 1980s onwards, this has not always been the case. This article argues that the presence or the degree of the PKK threat is not sufficient to explain the civil-military balance of power in Turkey throughout the 1980s and the 1990s. Instead, the article shows that in the face of the PKK threat, three major factors have influenced the behaviours of both civilian and military policy-makers in Turkey and shaped the level of civilian control. These factors are first, the Turkish political leaders’ control over their political parties and these parties’ control of a majority of seats in the parliament; second, how negatively or positively the military perceives the political leadership; and third, European Union pressures for democratisation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Military influence on political life in Turkey is a widely known phenomenon in civil-military relations (CMRs) literature, and there are multiple studies reviewing Turkish military tutelage and its roots in the light of the theories developed in this field. However, dynamics of the increasing civilian control over the armed forces in the last decade still serves as a field for further studies. As put forward in CMRs theories, civilian control can be established and maintained through formal arrangements and informal practices. The source of power required to make changes in CMRs is also emphasized along with these control mechanisms. Following the coup in 1980, limited demilitarization process in Turkey was carried out partly with the help of the civilian leaders' personalities and partly with the support of the European Union membership procedures, which has been ineffective since 2005. How civilianization was accomplished since then still needs to be clarified. This article aims to explain the factor(s) that enabled the civilians to gain full control over the armed forces in this period. As a result, the role of popular support is identified as the leading factor for designing formal and informal mechanisms to control the military in Turkey since 2007. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the influence of Turkey's European Union (EU) candidature on its civil-military relations. It argues that EU conditionality and adaptation pressure for the convergence and alignment of Turkey's authoritarian political regime to the EU acquis communautaire have resulted in the democratization of civil-military relations and the empowerment of government in the Turkish political system. The findings indicate that harmonization reforms have deinstitutionalized and illegalized the coercive influence of the military in the Turkish political system and empowered the government in political decision-making by: (a) changing the functions, duties and composition of the National Security Council (NSC), (b) increasing the parliamentary control over, and transparency in, defense and military expenditure, and the civil judiciary control over the military, and (c) increasing the public support and trust to the civil institutions. It utilizes Europeanization, and the rational choice and historical versions of the new institutionalist theory as its theoretical framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the inter-societal security trilemma among political Islamists, Kurdish actors, and the state in Turkey with a special reference to the failures in the Kurdish Opening that was initiated in 2009. While the Kurdish question is undoubtedly a long-standing multi-state and multi-causal ethno-political phenomenon, this study is primarily concerned with the identity–security-politics nexus. It addresses the question of how the politics of identity and dynamics of contra-identity claims produce a persistent security dilemma among different political blocs in contemporary Turkey. Addressing this question helps to explain why the Turkish state has consistently failed to successfully tackle the Kurdish question, as was the case of the Kurdish Opening in 2009. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The political influence of the Turkish military has substantially declined in the last decade, triggered by the European Union’s decision during the Helsinki Summit in 1999 to grant candidacy status to Turkey. This study illuminates Turkey’s democratization process in the post-Helsinki period by empirically analyzing a relatively underinvestigated aspect of civil–military relations: public opinion and attitude toward the military and civil–military issues. Empirical analyses, based on original and comprehensive public opinion data, indicate that despite impressive reforms and improvements in the legal and institutional structures in Turkish civil–military relations in the past ten years, democratic transformation in the political culture has been lagging behind. This gap is likely to complicate democratization process in Turkey. The article also provides a discussion of broader theoretical and practical implications of empirical findings. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses Turkish public opinion regarding various coup allegations, and it mentions the impacts that court cases involving the Ergenekon terrorist organization could have on democratization in Turkey as of 2015. Civil-military relations in Turkey are addressed in relation to an investigation in 2007 which deals with coup plots by Turkish military officers. A proposed military intervention against the Justice and Development Party is mentioned, as well as the nation's Sledgehammer investigation and the Turkish Constitutional Court's decision to overturn a coup-related judgment in June 2014. Trials and democracy are assessed.

This article aims to explore the problems of democratic governance of the defense and security sectors in Turkey. In recent years, to democratize its civil–military relations, Turkey has successfully dealt with the first-generation problems of making institutional reforms to eliminate the military's intervention in politics. Democratic civil–military relations, however, cannot be achieved only by getting the military out of politics, but also require the elimination of second-generation problems concerning the democratic governance of the defense and security sectors. In this respect, Turkey faces significant challenges related to its ineffective defense policy-making structures, insufficient parliamentary oversight of the defense and security sectors and civil society's very low level of participation in defense and security debates. Turkey needs to make reforms in these problematic areas in order to democratize its civil–military relations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Although Turkey has come a long way in terms of human rights since the 1980 military coup, a closer historical look inside the Turkish political scene shows us how freedom of speech was always to be sacrificed if its exercise threatened the perceived unity of the country. The article shows how decision makers’ perceptions of the state as a superior institution in need of protection have shaped the practice of governing free speech in Turkey since the early years of the Republic, and introduces a unique chronology, accounting for the interaction of internal and external influences. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The study of civil-military relations remains dominated by Samuel Huntington's 1957 book, The Soldier and the State, but it is unclear if the work retains external validity when applied in a contemporary context. Turkey's volatile history of civil-military relations makes it a useful case with which to test Huntington's propositions. Specifically, I examine the 28 February Process of 1997 and the subsequent shift in Turkey's civil-military relationship to test the propositions that military autonomy and professionalism are the keys to civilian control of the military. These propositions are supported by underlying assumptions that privilege ideational factors and establish a division between different forms of civilian control. The Turkish case undermines these assumptions and contributes to the pursuit of a more generalisable theory of civil-military relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Gladio Scandal in Europe and, more recently, Turkey's Ergenekon trials highlight the importance of hidden power networks behind the façade of parliamentary democracy. Dubbed as "deep state" in the Turkish context, the phenomenon suffers from a scarcity of scholarly analyses. his paper demonstrates the lack of academic interest in this complex issue in Europe, and Turkey in particular. After reviewing the central currents in the academic literature on the Turkish deep state, it offers an analysis of the Ergenekon afair in continuity with Turkey's recent past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation of Turkish foreign policy has become a closely followed subject, fueling important debates on the underlying reasons, resources, actors, outcomes, and nature of the policy progress. This change has also introduced new challenges to those who have adopted generic models to understand and explain Turkish foreign policy. This article will examine and discuss the main causes that have complicated the study of Turkish foreign policy during this period, such as simultaneous changes in the nature and conceptualization of the international system -- the end of the unipolar world, the emergence of new power centers - and domestic transformations in Turkey, including active civilian control of military, the emergence of an attentive public opinion in foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of the defining features of Turkish politics has been the strong influence of the military in civilian politics. However, since the early 2000s, we have seen unprecedented developments, substantially constraining the political powers of the military. How can we interpret this period from a historical perspective? What are the continuities and discontinuities in Turkish civil–military relations? Do these developments mark the end of military guardianship in the country? Employing the principal–agent framework, this study shows that the path of Turkish civil–military relations has been cyclical, where the status of the military has swung between agent and principal. Such swings have led to a significant degree of variance in the nature of the military guardianship. Thus, this study identifies two distinct stages of military tutelage during the Republican period: symbolic (1924–1960) and overt/assertive (1960–2001). It is further argued that the recent reversion of the military back to agent of the civilian principals has initiated a post-guardianship era in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The remarkable transformation of Turkish civil-military relations since the AK Party's rise to power has not led to total democratization in this area. Although EU reforms reduced the military's formal and informal powers and trials about contemporary and historic coup cases might indicate that the military has been subordinated to civilian authority, achieving democratic civil-military relations would require a balance of power between civilians and the military: While the military must relinquish its role as the country's guardians, civilians must work to regain the trust of military officers that they lost through the Ergenekon and Balyoz cases. Perhaps then Turkish civil-military relations can reach a democratic level, promoting democratic consolidation in the country. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the ongoing transformation of civil–military relations in Turkey under Justice and Development Party (AKP) rule, which was triggered by uncovering of the Ergenekon affair and a series of alleged plots against the AKP government by groups within the armed forces. Legal-constitutional changes, anti-coup trials, increasing civil influence in the military promotions and a dramatic turnaround of public opinion of the military interventions in the aftermath of the Ergenekon affair point to a paradigmatic shift in civil–military relations in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article offers information on the significant role of military as guardian in the promotion and development of constitutional democracy after the post-authoritarian phase in a country such as Egypt, Turkey and Portugal. It analyzes the role of Islamic organization Muslim Brotherhood's Freedom and Justice Party (Hizb Al-Hurriya wa Al-'Adala) and the Salafist Al-Nour Party (Ijizb Al-Nir) in democratic transition in Egypt.

In the process of achieving political, economic and social development, the essence of establishing sound civilian rule remains as one of the key factors in consolidating democracy alongside with reinforcing socio-economic factors. This process becomes ever more challenging as the developing countries are in desperate need to attain political and economic modernization simultaneously. In order to address this heated debate on the civil-military relations in developing countries the article undertakes to present a comparative insight on the role of the civil-military relations in socio political and economic development by tracing the emerging motivations and balances for military's involvement in politics. Although having markedly divergent historical backgrounds, Turkey and South Korea constitute leading examples for developing countries in the different regions of the world. Alongside with broadly common - developing country - notion, the development of civil-military relations in both countries provides substantial ground for comparison of the role of military in the modernization and democratization processes of these countries till early 2000s. With the aim of tracking the reasons and repercussions of military's increasingly milder influence over politics the article begins with the introduction of theoretical framework for comparative analysis, and then proceeds with the application of comparative framework followed by the brief historical overviews of civil-military relations of respective countries. In the analysis part, the impacts of endogenous and extraneous factors to civil-military relations are comparatively examined. In order to track the motives and restrains for varying forms of military influence in the political processes of these developing countries the study employs Sundhaussen's "Endogenous and Extraneous Factors". Finally, the conclusion summarizes comparative findings, while outlining the implications of emerging civil-military relations in the development and democratization processes of these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]