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The 1950s was an era when Turkish-US relations were developing in various arenas. In addition to hard power instruments, such as NATO membership, the Truman Doctrine and Marshall Aid, elements of soft power were also being used to promote the relationship between the two states. One element of this latter power was jazz which became tool of US public diplomacy used to export its cultural values. This paper explores how jazz was used as such in Turkey–US relations in the 1950s. The original aspect of this article lies in its dealing with the influence of jazz music, a relatively little mentioned soft power element in Turkey–US relations of this period. The main finding of the article may be conceptualized as follows: Turkey's relationship with the US was based not only on economic and military interests, but also cultural ties between the two which were also crucial to strengthening their bilateral relations. In this context, musicians were key agents of cultural diplomacy with their music and songs legitimizing a new and different 20th century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the tensions in Turkish–Israeli relations during the 2010s as well as prospects and challenges of normalisation from an ontological security perspective. Emphasising the role of conflicts in the provision of ontological security, it illustrates how frictions with Israel and attachment to the Palestinian issue serve the identity needs of Turkey's political elites and provides additional avenues for responding to legitimacy challenges. The article suggests that comprehensive normalisation of relations remains elusive and uncertain despite recent positive steps as this may engender ontological insecurity for both countries and can lead to a backlash towards hostile identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish-Israeli relations have been marked by constant fluctuations for over half a century, yet they have never ebbed so low as in the era under the AKP (Justice and Development Party). A closer look at Turkish-Israeli relations since their inception shows that despite vital security and economic interests shared by the two states, bilateral relations are largely shaped by ideational factors, namely the evolution of Turkish state identity. This article investigates both the material and ideational factors in Turkish-Israeli relations in three periods: during the Cold War; from 1990 to the rise of the AKP in 2002; and during the AKP era. After examining the trajectory of the relationship over decades, the article, while not denying the centrality of material factors, suggests that there is a strong correlation between the evolution of Turkish state identity and Ankara's relations with Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on the relationship between Israel and Turkey have mostly ignored earlier decades, concentrating especially on the 2000s. In particular, the 1960s have only superficially been referenced, mainly because of the Cold War. Therefore, using documents from the Israeli and Turkish State Archives, this study examines Turkish—Israeli relations during the 1960s from an economic perspective, showing how economic and trade relations caused a shift in Turkey's foreign affairs. The study asserts that Turkey attempted to conceal its political and economic ties with Israel and, to some extent, preferred cooperating with Arab states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this article is to investigate the foundations of relations between Türkiye and the US and to analyze the impact of the Iraq War on relations between the two countries. The relations that developed in the context of security after the Cold War were naturally supported by economic aid. Although there were many problems in the fragile relations during the Cold War, the ties between the two countries were never completely severed. While frequent occurrences strengthened Türkiye's significance in the area, the divergent interests of the two nations have only recently begun to come into focus. The developments taking place in Türkiye's neighboring countries also attract the attention of the United States, and the repercussions of events in these regions are reflected in Türkiye, especially concerning conflicts involving Russia. In this context, although the relations between the two countries are often touted as an alliance, it highlights the fact that it leans more towards a necessity. At this point, the Iraq War has had a significant impact on the relations between the two countries and has led to the emergence and increase of problems between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In seven decades of the multiparty democracy period, Turkey has experienced four military coups. Even though the coups are thought to be a cold war phenomenon in the literature, they are still relevant. The failed coup attempt in 2016 reminds us that the military coup is still a critical issue in Turkish democracy and the economy. Interestingly, there is not an adequate amount of empirical research on the political economy of Turkey's military coup experience. This study's motivation is to provide empirical evidence for the economic growth-coup nexus literature with a core focus on Turkey, which is a remarkable case in many aspects. For this purpose, we extend an open-economy Cobb-Douglas production function with coups and use the autoregressive distributed lags (ARDL) method for the period 1950 to 2014. According to the study's empirical findings, coup d'états negatively affect real GDP in Turkey. Through structural reforms, Turkey should strengthen its democratic institutions to prevent such antidemocratic attempts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study aims to analyse historical continuity and change in Turkish foreign policy (TFP) within the framework of Critical Theory as elucidated by Robert Cox. It suggests asking how TFP has been affected by the historical changes in relations of production and world orders. Within this framework, it aims to explain the changes in TFP within the relation between the production, the world order and the form of state. It analyses TFP in three historical periods such as the Interwar Years, Cold War and post-Cold War. It exposes that Turkish state (re)formation and foreign policy making has succumbed to the global capitalist relations of production and corresponding world orders. These two have been the major framework(s) of change and continuity in Türkiye’s 100 years-old foreign policy. Its main argument is that the continuity and change in TFP has shown an interplay of relations between production and world order. It concludes that TFP has been in line with the global relations of production so there has been a clear and substantial continuity; and that the arguable changes have been the repercussions of global relations of production and world orders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Erol Güngör (1938-1983) is one of the important figures of nationalist-conservative thought. Since the 1970s, he started to draw attention among the Turkish intelligentsia with his writings. He analyzed the modernization process, which he comprehended on the axis of the intellectual-people conflict, in terms of the failure to establish the unity of national culture. He evaluated Turkey's issues in a historical-sociological perspective, with his exceptional personality, who was knowledgeable in both Ottoman and Western cultures. In doing so, although he was politically involved, he did not completely abandon a scientific approach. Although Güngör is a member of the academy, he is a university professor whose intellectual horizon far exceeds the boundaries of this field. He published his works during the Cold War conjuncture (1960-1980) when the right-left polarization was effective. One feature of this period is the rise of leftist ideology and politics in Turkey, and the other is the strengthening of a nationalism that emphasizes anti-communism. Erol Güngör made important criticisms towards the Turkish Left in an effort to raise the intellectual level of the nationalist camp in such conditions. With his writings in Yol and Töre magazine, he expressed the dilemmas of the left. His struggle against the left constitutes one of the main elements of his thought. This article has been written in order to analyze the nature of Erol Güngör's criticisms of the left in the Cold War conjuncture and to clarify the path of intellectual development in the period 1965-1975. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While enhancing our economic relations with African countries was positioned as a target within Türkiye’s vision, especially after the Cold War, this could only come true in the first decade of the 21st century. As a result, there have been significant trade volume developments. Although Türkiye had a trade deficit with Africa from the mid-90s to the early 2000s, it became a surplus party in the subsequent period due to stagnation and the impacts of various crises. The trade with Africa is primarily with North African countries due to geographical proximity and historical ties. While Africa's share in Türkiye's total foreign trade volume has been gradually increasing, it remains significantly lower compared to Asia and Europe. Relations between the continent and Türkiye haven’t grown stronger yet, mainly because most African countries were former colonies. On the other hand, Türkiye's geographical proximity to Africa offers a significant opportunity to meet African countries' agricultural and food needs. In this context, this study aims to analyze Türkiye’s trade with the African continent and to reveal the opportunities, threats, strengths, and weaknesses this trade offers for both actors. Furthermore, the study provides recommendations to enhance these relations in this framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay investigates the choices made by the Turkish political leadership at three crucial moments in the history of Turkey between World War I and the Cold War. It asks the question if viable alternatives to the chosen route were available, and to what extent the choices made reflected international developments of the time. The episodes looked at are the establishment of a nation-state and of a republic (two separate issues) in 1920–23, the turn towards authoritarianism during the World Crisis (1930–32) and the transition to multi-party democracy in 1945–50. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1950's, when the Cold War struggle gained momentum, Türkiye was one of the countries in which Soviet Russia, which carried out espionage actions in many countries, tried to be effective. The Russians engaged in intense espionage action in the eastern provinces as well as in Istanbul and Ankara. Many spy scandals, the arrest and trial of captured spies marked this period. Türkiye, feeling itself under the direct threat of Soviet Russia, determined upper-limit penalties for captured Russian spies. Moreover, in fact that both of the two espionage cases given the death penalty between 1950-1960 were applied to those who spied on behalf of Russia, is important in terms of showing Türkiye's sensitivity to Russian espionage actions. The espionage incident in Erzurum, which was the subject of one of these two cases, was the eastern reflection of Russia's expansionist policy, which coincided with is ongoing ambitions. In this study, the nature of the espionage activities, carried out by Soviet Russia in the east of Türkiye was discussed on the basis of Russian espionage case, took place in Erzurum in 1953. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a new nation-state in 1947, Pakistan's relations with the larger Arab world were fraught with many tensions and contradictions. Ever since, many readjustments have taken place on both sides. These rearrangements derive from such tectonic shifts as the ebbing away of Arab nationalism 1967 onwards, petro-dollar rush in the 1970s, Iranian revolution in 1979, end of Third worldism, Afghan war, unipolarity post–Berlin Wall, 9/11 besides labour migrations, military alliances and domestic imperatives of various states and polities. Presently, Pakistan is tied to the Middle East in a three-pronged manner. Economically, it is dependent on petro-dollar rich Gulf Sheikhdoms. This relationship can be described as pure clientelism. Next, geographical proximity and Cold War compulsions have implied an unavoidable Iranian nexus. Finally, with the rather recent rise of Turkey as a subimperial power in the Middle East, Pakistan has also tilted towards Turkey of late. However, beyond geopolitics and economy, Pakistan's embrace of the larger Muslim world has ideological connotations as well. Imagined as a Muslim Zion, commissars at the helm of ideological state apparatuses in Pakistan have always imagined Pakistan as an integral part of the larger Muslim community, numerous contradictions notwithstanding. Hence, informed by the theories of clientelism and subimperialism, this study argues that Pakistan's relations with the Middle East are anchored in economics, geopolitics and identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Codrul Cosminului is the property of Codrul Cosminului and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Allowing a foreign military in a sovereign country is often controversial. Yet, the United States has had hundreds of military facilities in foreign nations, including South Korea and Türkiye (Turkey) for nearly seven decades. The two American allies have traded partial autonomy in return for the military assistance of the U.S. This study selects the two G20 member states for a comparative case study, given their geostrategic importance to the U.S. defense agenda from the Cold War era to the present. This article aims to elucidate how American military bases are politically affected by the security situation and anti-Americanism in the host nations. Furthermore, this paper underscores the imperative for both countries to recalibrate their stances on American military bases amid the continuously evolving international political landscape, utilizing the Autonomy Security Trade-off Model as a framework. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's relationship with the Yishuv, or Jewish community, has been ambiguous since before the establishment of the State of Israel in 1948. Most of the literature features the later years, whereas the 1960s seem to have been forgotten or merely superficially discussed, mostly because the decade is perceived as belonging to the Cold War era, and, in many respects, only a continuation of the previous decade. Drawing primarily on the Israeli and Turkish State Archives and bulletins from the Turkish Ministry of Foreign Affairs, this article examines Turkish–Israeli relations during this decade and argues contrary to the prevailing view that the crisis during the deterioration of relations was not a result of the 1967 Arab–Israeli War or the rise of the then Turkish Prime Minister Süleyman Demirel's government, but rather represented a conscious shift in Turkey's foreign policy that sacrificed its relations with Israel, arguably for more urgent interests such as strengthening ties with the Arabs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Where does Turkey geographically belong, the Middle East or Eastern Europe? This was a looming puzzle for the architects of the Cold War to solve in the early 1950s. This was so because Turkey's region would dramatically affect the composition of members in the UN Security Council. Although Turkey was elected to the Council from the Middle East region in 1950, it moved its region to Eastern Europe in 1953 to compete with Poland for the Council seat. However, the determination of where Turkey belonged was not an easy task and demanded very delicate calculations and political strategies. We argue that it was the Cold War strategies of the US that arbitrated where Turkey geographically belonged, exemplifying that regions are formed through discourse and are constantly mediated and renegotiated. This situation has created both opportunities and limitations for the Turkish policy-makers who joined the debate ex post-facto, spoke either to legitimise the US decision or to displace counter arguments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The emergence of newly independent states in the Caucasus at the end of the Cold War presented challenges to Turkey while enlarging its role. The collapse of the Soviet Union removed the century-old Soviet/Russian threat, simultaneously creating a power vacuum on Turkey's borders. While Turkey had traditionally avoided involvement in regional politics, it has since been drawn into the volatile new politics of the region. In this environment, Turkey became an important actor in the region due to its strong historical ties, the attraction of its geographic position linking the region to Europe, and its economic, political, and security relationships with Azerbaijan and Georgia. Over the past thirty years, Turkey has become one of the prominent players in a region where its involvement has again increased recently after the Second Karabakh War. Although its re-engagement with Armenia is progressing slowly, and geopolitical changes and economic and political conditions in the region are unlikely to stabilize for some years, it is evident that Turkey will continue to create new networks of interdependency between Ankara and the regional capitals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the end of the Cold War, emerging powers such as Brazil, China, India, Russia and Turkey have struggled to assert a voice in so-called global governance. As a result, the international system, although still marked by US hegemony, seems to be changing. In fact, since the early 2000s, Brazil and Turkey have increased their participation in global governance, to the point of achieving some legitimacy as middle or regional powers. In order to establish the regional and global scope of these two emerging powers, this article addresses the questions about what factors account for the projection of Brazil and Turkey as middle powers and how their foreign policy trajectories differ. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International law aims to resolve international conflicts by peaceful means. This issue, which is clearly stated in the UN Charter, is essential for the maintenance of international peace and security. The international conflict between Russia and Ukraine, one of the biggest crises the world has faced after the Cold War era, has once again reminded the international community how important peaceful solutions are. Turkey, acting as a mediator between Russia and Ukraine, has taken important steps in order ro re-establish the peace. In our study, Turkey's mediation role in the international conflict between Russia and Ukraine has been examined in terms of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Americans who came to Turkey, particularly during the 1950, as part of efforts to develop Turkish-American relations during the Cold War period, led to an increase in mutual cultural exchange and understanding between the two countries. One of these Americans was Elizabeth McNeill Leicester, who wrote a book entitled 'Memories of 1950 in Ankara, Turkey' during the time she spent in Ankara on an official mission during this period when the cultural influence of America was felt most keenly. Another example of written memoirs is 'Assignment in Ankara', which was written by Lucile Saunders McDonald and Zola Helen Ross. These books, which represent the written observations of the two women, contain profound insights into the social and cultural life of Ankara in the 1950s, and thus represent important first-hand historical sources. This study uses the books of Elizabeth McNeill Leicester and Lucile Saunders McDonald to help reveal the socio-cultural structure of Ankara in the 1950s while analyzing the authors' perspectives on Turkish women in Ankara and discussing the activities of Americans in Turkey. The insights provided in the books demonstrate that traditional structures were strongly maintained in Ankara, especially for women, despite the modernization of the 1950s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historical facts proved that it is impossible to be hegemon power without having domination on seas. Soviet rulers very-well aware of that fact, since the first years of the Cold War, tried to compete with Western Blok in the world seas especially on Mediterranean Sea where they recognized as their interest area. Due to problems occurred because of the shortages in the Soviet System, Soviets faced with grave challenges, tried to generate some ship building programs in order to lower that gap. The passage regime in the Turkish Straits which has been put into use by Montreux Convention, affected Soviet Mediterranean policy directly, Soviets struggled to solve that problem by establishing bases on coastline countries. Soviet Mediterranean Fleet Pyadyy Eskadra has been established under above conditions. The aim was to achieve Soviet hegemony in the Mediterranean. Soon after the deployment of Pyadyy Eskadra, Soviets struggled to transform emerging crisis in the south and southeastern Mediterranean coastline countries to empower their basis. Turkey's policy to liberally comment and implement Montreux, contributed continuance of Soviet organic existence in the Mediterranean. The most challenging long lasting problem of Soviet Mediterranean Fleet Pyadyy Eskadra was absence of aircraft carrier. Despite aircraft carrier passage has been prohibited by Montreux, Turkey permitted Soviet aircraft carriers' one way north-south passages which were built in the Black Sea shipyards and named with different classes. In this paper, considering Cold War rivalry conditions, Soviet Mediterranean Fleet Pyadyy Eskadra, Turkish Straits' passage regime and US Mediterranean policies will be analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, remarkable changes have occurred in international systemic dynamics. Although these changes are mostly imagined on the axis of polarity in terms of international relations, the changes in the missions and visions of international organizations are also noteworthy. In this context, NATO, a Cold War organization, is among the first examples that come to mind. To put it more clearly, NATO has gone beyond being a mere security organization and has gained different missions from nation building to humanitarian aid. On the other hand, the organization, which increased the number of allies, accepted a significant part of its 'old enemies' as its 'new friends'. In this context, it is considered extremely important to compare the perceptions of an old 'friend' of the organization like Türkiye and a relatively new 'friend' of the organization like Romania towards NATO. This comparison provides an insight into NATO's perceptions of its allies; on the other hand, it provides a test of the perceptions of two nation-states in two different blocs towards NATO during the Cold War period. This study aims to investigate both Türkiye's and Romanian's perceptions on NATO by considering the modernization and westernization concepts in the sense of security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The framework of bilateral relations between Romania and Türkiye during the Cold War was analysed taking into account the evolution of the international system and the ideological bipolarity of the two political-military alliances, to which the two states belonged. After Stalin's death, the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Romania, and Khrushchev's relative policy of détente, the establishment in Bucharest gradually began to build its own agenda abroad. It aimed at resuming relations with the West, especially in the economic area, and to assert itself internationally, by launching initiatives including in the field of security and cooperation in the Balkans. The objectives of the Romanian officials have also found their counterpart in relations with Türkiye, which is also interested in reconsidering the relations with the US and its allies after the missile crisis and in prioritizing its own foreign interests. Particularly, after Nicolae Ceausescu came to power, we witness a notable evolution of Romanian-Turkish relations maintained by a dynamic exchange of mutual visits starting from the level of heads of government (Maurer - Demirel), Foreign Ministers or those who held portfolios in the economic, technical, industrial, cultural and scientific area and up to head of state (Ceaușescu-Sunay), maintained until the second half of the 1980s. The constant development of the bilateral dialogue has been reflected in countless long-term agreements concluded between Romania and Türkiye at industrial, technical-scientific, cultural, commercial level, the establishment of joint economic commissions, but also in the progress made in the area of military cooperation, in the field of military industry and in the mutual support of security projects aimed at transforming the Balkans into an area of peace and good neighbourly relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies / Çagdas Türkiye Tarihi Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Modern Turkish History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Turkey witnessed the unprecedented awakening of leftist politics after acceptance of the 1961 Constitution. The Constitution's provisions on subjects like freedom of thought and social and economic rights enabled the existence of leftist politics in the political arena and prepared the grounds for the policies they would advocate. However, since the US-Soviet rivalry polarised the Middle East, President Sunay's 1967 statement indicating that the Constitution was closed to socialism, despite prominent jurists' counterclaims, coupled with some high-ranking commanders' anti-leftist outburst demonstrated a resurgence of the Cold War state of mind in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding great number of studies addressing Turkey's foreign policy after the Cold War, Turkey's engagements in South, Southeast, and East Asia have remained submerged in narratives of Turkey's relations with the Middle East, European Union, Central Asia, and Sub-Saharan Africa. This article addresses foreign policy changes in Turkish's Asia relations by identifying five time periods since the foundation of the Republic: 1923–1950, 1950–1960s, 1970s to 1993, 1993–2000s, and 2010s-today by utilizing Hermann's four levels of change in foreign policy, namely 'adjustment, programme, problem/goal, and international orientation'. It explains these changes with reference to individual dynamics (decision makers) and domestic (institutional setting) and international factors (global structural shifts). It uses qualitative methodology and treats evolution of Turkey's Asia policies as a case of 'foreign policy change'. It relies on data collected from Turkish, Indian, Australian, and American archives, many of which has hitherto remained untapped, and memoirs written by Turkey's retired diplomats and generals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Chapter 2, Adalet examines the records of Daniel Lerner, another prominent theorist of modernization who conducted research in Turkey. In the study of Turkish-American relations in the twentieth century, much of the focus is on political narratives, diplomatic exchanges, crises, and regional disputes. Adalet also supplies many anecdotes to show the inner details of the relationship between Hilts and Vecdi Diker, who visited the United States and proposed the foundation of a separate Directorate of Highways ( I Karayollari Genel Müdürlügü i ) in Turkey. [Extracted from the article]

The Syrian crisis is a long-standing problem that affects power relations and creates a regional/global impact in today's Middle East. It has attracted the attention of many states due to its geographical location, natural resources, as well as being located on the route to various assets. In other words, the experienced crises occur in relation to the decisions taken by the states according to their own interests. The most important issue that shapes this situation is - apart from the effort to reach the resources in the region - the embroilment of ongoing problems of the 21st century in the international system. To understand the transitory state that exists in the international system, it is not sufficient to make an inference only from the existing cyclical order when examining the events. In this context, it is aimed to discuss the approaches of two competing powers in the international system by choosing the 1957 Syrian Crisis in the Cold War and the 2011 Syrian Crisis after the Cold War. In this way, two similar period intervals will be studied through the neorealist framework. Because while both the Republic of Turkey and the Russian Federation (USSR during the Cold War) want to protect their own interests during these two crisis periods, they also affect the emergence and recovery processes of problems. With this study, it will be tried to reveal how the Syrian issue affects Turkey-Russia relations both in terms of the international system and in terms of differences in the region by help of the neorealist perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the demise of the Ottoman Empire and the advent of republican Turkey, the Ecumenical Patriarchate has struggled to maintain its existence and its ecumenical role, despite the obstacles that the Republic of Turkey has set before it. Yet, challenges have abounded within the Orthodox world as well. The Patriarchate has viewed Russian involvement in Orthodox ecclesiastical affairs with suspicion, if not outright opposition. This is like its former stance regarding Russian involvement in Orthodox religious affairs in the Balkans and the Middle East throughout the nineteenth century. This competition has been rekindled since the end of the Cold War, as the Patriarchate has grown in importance as a global actor. The Ukrainian ecclesiastical crisis, which brought the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Moscow Patriarchate to loggerheads, provides an additional opportunity to measure the extent of Russian influence on the Orthodox Church. This article explores the history of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in the republican Turkish era and the challenges it has faced. It also examines the dynamics that have developed since the end of the Cold War in its relations with Russia and Turkey through its confrontation with the Moscow Patriarchate particularly in light of the Ukrainian ecclesiastical crisis. This study aspires to shed light on the extent of Russian influence on Orthodox ecclesiastical affairs and explore the role of the Ecumenical Patriarchate in the global era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1946, Turkish entrepreneur Vehbi Koç signed an agreement with the U.S. firm General Electric to build and operate its first light bulb factory in the Near/Middle East, in Istanbul. This private joint venture introduced new manufacturing techniques, business practices, and consumer habits to Turkey, opening channels of postwar technological exchange. Closer examination of the GE-Koç partnership reveals that during the early Cold War, the transfer and embedding of American technologies in Turkey was a politically complicated process of innovation that required constant adaptation. Fraught with unforeseeable obstacles, it also required cautious negotiation with multiple transnational actors. The story of the GE-Koç partnership thus adds a new dimension to historical understandings of the Turkish Cold War experience and the Americanization of the region. It illustrates how transferring a nonmilitary, soft-power, domestic technology—the light bulb—played a significant role in Turkish-American relations and therefore contributes to studies of U.S. Cold War diplomacy through transnational investment in innovation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, the European Union (EU) has underwent three expansionary phases. Phase One successfully incorporated large swaths of the old Eastern Bloc. Its success stemmed from two factors: All acceding countries had an external security guarantor via NATO membership and the EU only required superficial institutional reforms. Acceding countries easily and readily implemented these reforms. Phase Two encompasses the Balkans's and Turkey's as-of-yet unsuccessful bids to join. These countries have so far failed because their processes have deviated from the two factors leading to Phase One countries' success. In the Balkans's case, the EU deployed the prospect of membership to encourage security guarantees. In Turkey's case, the EU deployed the prospect of membership to motivate difficult-to-implement democratic reform. With Ukraine, Moldova, and Georgia pursuing membership, EU expansion has entered a new Phase Three. These countries applying during this Phase are looking toward EU membership itself to provide security guarantees that the institution has historically left for NATO to provide. Barring a fundamental change in the EU's centralized security capabilities, this motive is incongruent with the EU's capacities and long-term institutional desires. This Article therefore proposes an intermediate step that would provide Phase Three countries the security guarantees they seek. This step would be a broader European community providing intermediate association to candidate countries. This community would be particularly focused on supporting members' defense and structural-funding capabilities, providing Phase Three countries short-term access to what they immediately seek, while still providing a path through the decadeslong accession process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the Cold War, which broke out between the Western Bloc and the Eastern Bloc after the Second World War, the Strategic Partnership was established between Turkey and the United States (US). As a result, the two states acted together against the Soviet Union threat. Turkish-American relations, which continued well from the early Cold War to the early 1960s, have been strained from time to time because of developments in the 1960s. These relations have also had some positive (lucky) and negative (unlucky) consequences for Turkey. This study reviews Turkish-American relations between 1945 and 1964. Turkish-American relations against the Soviet Union threat and communism, described as a common fall in the early years of the Cold War, were strained by what was written to Turkey by US President Lyndon B. Johnson in 1964, known as the Johnson letter. The study examines the breakdowns in Turkish-American relations during this period. We evaluate the impact of the development of Turkish-American relations on Turkey within the framework of the Nova effect, while the results of positive and negative development of relations were vaguely good or bad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Adab Al-Kufa is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, it will be indicated that among the most important propaganda purposes of the magazine of Millî Yol are both Alparslan Türkeş and anti-Communism topics in the magazine. Firstly, on behalf of the nationalists, the victimization, which is thought to have arisen from the sending 14's abroad, necessitated the examination of the propaganda made by the magazine of Milli Yol in this context. The issue emerged through the necessity of bringing Colonel Alparslan Türkeş to the fore in the process. Additively, Alparslan Türkeş is also a politician of the future. On account of, Millî Yol magazine made also its propaganda. Secondly, as of the magazine's release period, anti-communism is an issue that constitutes a common framework of the struggle of the Turkish right-wing and that it constantly deems necessary to mobilize against it. Turkey has chosen its side as the Western bloc in the bipolar Cold War system. Additionally, the degree of tension between the two poles increased in the period when the magazine was published. The experiences of the Western block, led by the USA, which is one of these poles, in combating communism, will be presented to its readers by the magazine of Milli Yol magazine as it should be taken as an example. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By the end and the aftermath of the Second World War, the conflicts that arose in the Eastern Mediterranean, specifically Greece and Turkey, was an important factor in the development of the Cold War. These two countries were considered by the West as amongst the earliest victims that suffered from the aggression of the Soviet Union due to the communist insurgent in Greece and the Soviet diplomatic pressure on Turkey regarding the Straits settlements as well as the territorial concessions concerning Kars and Ardahan. On March 12, 1947, the United States proclaimed that Greece and Turkey would receive economic aid under the Truman Doctrine that would bolster the capabilities of these countries in resisting Soviet expansionism. Many historians agreed that this economic aid was given due to the self-awareness of the United States to contain the expansion of Soviet influence in those countries. However, it was Britain who convinced the United States to do so. This article will discuss British strategies in bringing the United States into internal affairs in Greece and Turkey between 1945 and 1947 through the methodology of British primary historical resources. This study has concentrated on the viewpoint of British Foreign Secretary Ernest Bevin and his Foreign Office through the perusal of archival or primary records such as the Private Papers of Bevin (FO 800), the Cabinet Office Papers (CAB), the Foreign Office Papers (FO 371), the Defence Ministry Papers (DEFE) and the House of Commons Parliamentary Debate (HANSARD). The scrutiny of these records has shown that Britain could no longer assist Greece and Turkey in facing the Soviet threat alone due to its economic difficulties. Hence, the determination of Britain to get the assistance of the United States. Besides, the American new policy of intervention in world affairs would not only combat Communism but also help Britain in maintaining its status quo in Greece, Turkey, and subsequently British predominance in the Middle East. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines identity politics in Turkey through migrations from the Balkans in the early years of Cold War. Despite secularisation reforms in the 1920s and 1930s, Muslim identity remained a central component in the formation of Turkish nationhood. In the wake of WW II, Turkey chose to be a part of Western world whereas her two regional neighbours, Bulgaria and Yugoslavia, remained in the Socialist bloc. Nearly 500,000 Turks, Bosnians, Albanians and Pomaks in Yugoslavia and Bulgaria were either forced, or "encouraged," to leave their lands after 1950. Despite ideological barriers and ethnic differences, Turkey welcomed these migrants to the country. Official records, recently available biographies and oral sources shed light on the discourses of identity politics through this period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A critical development during the years of World War II was the change of the USSR’s policy towards the Church and its attempt to make use of the influence of the Moscow Patriarchate on the Orthodox world. This move of the USSR mobilized the United States, which assumed that the Soviet influence in the Balkan countries and the Middle East would be prevented by strengthening the Patriarchate of İstanbul. The US proposed Athenagoras, the Archbishop of North and South America, for the leadership of Phanar; a figure who was expected to be effective in the struggle with Moscow. This proposal was accepted by Turkey and Greece. However, Athenagoras’ election as patriarch was not easily achieved both because he did not have Turkish citizenship and because of the cautious attitude demonstrated by Turkey during the selection process. At the end of the election process during which the United States has taken a cautious stance with Turkey, Athenagoras was elected as the Patriarch. As soon as he started the job, with his pro-US rhetoric and close relations with the Turkish official circles, the new Patriarch showed that he was a cleric who could meet the expectations. Being the religious pillar of the Truman doctrine, as he himself stated, Athenagoras’ efforts were also welcomed by the US and Turkish authorities. At the same time, Athenagoras's pro-Turkish and proAmerican stance has caused discomfort within the Greek community over time, leading to some reactions against him. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2000, the political leaders in Turkey and Syria succeeded in creating a new scene for Turkish-Syrian relations after witnessing many difficulties over the years for historical, political, security, and ideological reasons. However, the relations between Ankara and Damascus quickly deteriorated and turned into regional and international alignments following the outbreak of the Arab Spring revolutions and their transfer into Syria, and the direct Turkish military interference after that in Syria. This research attempts to answer several questions: has Turkey modified its Syrian policy, which was adopted a decade ago? Why did it do that if there were any shifts in this direction, and where did these shifts' indicators and reasons emerge? What stage did Turkey's policy toward Syria reach, and what are the possibilities of a new shift in the Turkish position after eleven years of the crisis? The study tries to answer these questions, presenting the shape of the expected new Turkish vision, the motives for Ankara's review of its relations with many local and regional players that are influential in this file, and the scenarios for the next stage. The study is divided into five main axes; Turkey and the Syrian crisis after eleven years, the reasons for the shift in Turkey's Syrian policy: local, regional and international factors, indicators of the shift in Turkey's Syrian policy, how Turkey will deal with the influential players in the Syrian file, such as the Syrian opposition, Russia, Iran, America, and others, in addition to Turkey itself, and the scenarios for the next stage in Syria. The study concludes that the new Turkish position in dealing with the file of the Syrian crisis has become an inevitable necessity with specific objectives. The most important of which is the rapid Turkish move to review the Syrian policy and put forward a new strategy to deal with all segments of the Syrian society and prevent the Syrian crisis from turning into a cold war that will last more. The study also concludes the need to activate coordination and cooperation with international, regional, service, social, and humanitarian organizations to secure the opening of crossing points and facilitate the entry and arrival of aid to meet the needs of the displaced and address the unbearable living conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey and Bosnia and Herzegovina share deep historical, political, and cultural ties. Bilateral relations between the two have undergone several transformations in parallel with domestic and international political developments and in light of shifts in Turkey's role in the international arena. After decades of negligent and isolationist policies, Ankara finally offered Bosnia a place in Turkish foreign policy following the end of the Cold War, as it came to occupy a position of significant importance for Turkey under the rule of political Islamist Justice and Development Party (AKP). However, Turkey's influence has been debated in positive and negative ways at the same time often creating a contradiction between reality and discourse. This article aims to evaluate Turkey's influence in Bosnia through interviews with experts on political, economic, cultural, media and religious ties between the two in order to portray the potentials and limits of Turkish foreign policy towards Bosnia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish foreign policy has experienced a profound transformation in the nearly two decades since the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) came to power. In its first decade (2002–2011), the AKP government sought to consolidate, promote, and implement its agenda through the use of soft power while also aligning Turkey with the West and EU conditionality. However, since 2011 domestic and international developments have led Ankara to pursue a 'logic of strategic autonomy.' Since the failed coup attempt in July 2016 – which reinforced a trend towards resecuritization in Turkish foreign policy – relations with the EU in general and Greece, in particular, have grown more complicated, leading to a militarized and increasingly tense situation in the region. Against this backdrop, the present article analyses the rekindling of the 'Aegean Cold War' since 2016, focusing principally on the Aegean, Cyprus, and the refugee crisis and the EU's ambivalent policy towards Turkey and Greek–Turkish relations in general. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches / İnsan ve Toplum Bilimleri Araştırmaları Dergisi is the property of Itobiad: Journal of the Human & Social Science Researches and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bilge Strateji is the property of BILGESAM and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Existentialist thought has influenced arts and literature movements in Turkey starting from the early Cold War years. The Second New movement in Turkish poetry was able to distinguish itself as a literary movement by focusing on the constrained individual who lost their voice and autonomy in the repressive and polarized conditions of the Cold War. Sezai Karakoç (b. 1933) is a prominent Turkish and conservative-Muslim intellectual, and a poet of the Second New whose work shows the effects of existentialist philosophy and he uses existential notions to formulate a doctrine. With this doctrine and his unique perspective of what this article construes to be a part of the Islamic existentialism, Karakoç remains a pivotal figure in explaining existentialism's influence in Turkish literature and politics from a religious standpoint. Although affected by the existentialist thought, Karakoç refuses Sartrean atheism or Camusian absurdism to understand the laws of existence, and ties both nature's and human's reason of existence to Allah with a fundamental belief maintains that everything is linked to Him. In doing so, he uses the notion of death as a transcendental experience for the human beings, which enriches life with an experiment that exceeds the boundaries of the physical rules. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]