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This study delves into the economic and trade relations between Turkey, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia over the past five years, highlighting the evolution driven by strategic interests and regional stability. The research analyzes secondary data, examining official trade and investment reports, government statements, international organization data, and academic articles. It also considers diplomatic developments such as highlevel visits and agreements. The period from 2020 to 2024 witnessed significant growth and diversification in trade among these nations. Turkey's exports to the UAE and Saudi Arabia increased markedly, driven by sectors like agricultural technologies, food security, clean energy, and construction. Key moments include the establishment of a $10 billion investment fund following UAE President Sheikh Mohammed bin Zayed Al Nahyan's visit to Turkey in 2021 and the signing of the Comprehensive Economic Partnership Agreement (CEPA) in 2023, aiming to elevate bilateral trade to $40 billion over five years. Simultaneously, Turkey's economic relations with Saudi Arabia experienced fluctuations but generally depicted a positive trend. High-level visits by President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman revitalized economic ties, resulting in cooperation agreements across various sectors, including health, energy, and the defense industry. The economic relations between Turkey, the UAE, and Saudi Arabia reflect a dynamic interplay of strategic interests, mutual investments, and shared goals. The strengthened economic partnerships have contributed to regional stability and are expected to develop further, driven by strategic collaborations in energy, technology, and infrastructure. These developments underscore the importance of economic diplomacy and mutual investments in shaping future cooperation prospects and regional power dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates if individuals' negative assessments of the future drive micro-level reluctance for international cooperation and reciprocal behavior, a core principle of multilateralism. To test our theoretical expectations, we field online survey experiments on a sample of over 3000 respondents in the US and Turkey in October–November 2020. The experimental results show that on average, individuals are fairly sensitive to target countries' policy actions and are inclined to reciprocate when contemplating whether to increase contributions to UN or consent to bilateral trade liberalization. Yet, further analyses concur that individual inclinations to reciprocate are substantially moderated by their future expectations. Specifically, individuals who are more pessimistic about their material prospects remain fairly indifferent to the positive actions of other countries, but are more likely to penalize negative foreign policy actions by reciprocating in kind. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As an emerging economy, Turkey has experienced a significant structural transformation in the last twenty years. Within this period, Turkey has increased to the eleventh rank for international tourist arrivals in the world (UNWTO 2023). However, in recent years, there has been a rapid depreciation of the national currency, raising the question of how this affects the tourism trade. Using bilateral data and considering non-linearities, we investigate the exchange rate-tourism balance nexus for Turkey and its most tourist sender partners by applying ARDL and NARDL modelling. We find that (i) when the Turkish Lira (TL) appreciates, the tourism balance is positively affected in the German and UK models in the short-run and in the Russian and Netherlands models in the long-run; (ii) the depreciation of the TL, on the other hand, has a positive effect on the tourism balances for France and the UK in the short-run. Therefore, either the increase or decrease in the exchange rate (except for Russia in the short-run) affects the tourism balance insignificantly or positively. These findings imply that policymakers should focus more on country-specific tourism policies to attract more tourists to the country rather than on exchange rate policies to manage the tourism balance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Turkey was the first Muslim majority state to recognise Israel, bilateral relations underwent many ups and downs in subsequent decades, peaking in the 1990s and experiencing a sharp deterioration since the mid-2000s that culminated in the Mavi Marmara flotilla crisis of 2010. This article examines Turkish-Israeli relations in the 2010s, known as the 'lost decade', with a special emphasis on whether this period constitutes a continuation of the declining relations or a new link in the relations between the two states. Indeed, the hesitant reconciliation process that began in March 2022 with the return of ambassadors and a series of fence-mending steps was brought to an abrupt end in October 2023 as Ankara threw its full weight behind Hamas in its war against Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish-Israeli relations have been marked by constant fluctuations for over half a century, yet they have never ebbed so low as in the era under the AKP (Justice and Development Party). A closer look at Turkish-Israeli relations since their inception shows that despite vital security and economic interests shared by the two states, bilateral relations are largely shaped by ideational factors, namely the evolution of Turkish state identity. This article investigates both the material and ideational factors in Turkish-Israeli relations in three periods: during the Cold War; from 1990 to the rise of the AKP in 2002; and during the AKP era. After examining the trajectory of the relationship over decades, the article, while not denying the centrality of material factors, suggests that there is a strong correlation between the evolution of Turkish state identity and Ankara's relations with Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish-Israeli relations, which achieved the level of strategic cooperation in the late 1990s, began to decline in the late 2000s, especially after Israel's 2008–9 Operation Cast Lead in Gaza. The existing literature enumerates several factors underlying the bilateral relationship but tends to overlook both states' perceived identities and self-images. Focusing on the identity factor, this article ascribes the deterioration of Turkish-Israeli relations to the major changes in Turkey's state identity during the years of AKP rule. By way of substantiating this argument, the article provides a brief overview of the literature on the role of state identity in international relations before exploring four case studies that exemplify the influence of state identity on Turkish-Israeli relations: the bilateral military cooperation agreement (1996); Operation Cast Lead and the attendant 'Davos incident' (2008–9); the Mavi Marmara crisis (2010); and the 'Arab Spring' of the early 2010s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to analyze the Turkish foreign policy towards the African continent in the 21st century. With the end of the Cold War and the world order centered on a bipolar logic, Turkey has had greater autonomy to manage its international relations, maintaining a more active foreign policy by expanding its economic, diplomatic, and security affairs beyond the West. In this context, under the leadership of the Justice and Development Party (AKP), the African continent has come to occupy an increasingly prominent place in Turkish foreign relations. Thus, since the early 2000s, there has been a substantial increase in Turkey's presence on the continent, characterized, among other aspects, by the intensification of bilateral trade flows, the expansion of the diplomatic network on the continent, its participation in the mediation of conflicts and the offer of humanitarian assistance to African actors. In this context, and based on the literature on Middle Powers and Regional Powers, this paper discusses the intensification of Turkey's ties with African countries since the beginning of the 21st century, comprehending it as part of a broader international projection strategy. To this end, the study adopts a hermeneutic approach, relying on the literature review on Turkish-African relations and the analysis, supported by quantitative data, of the developments of these relations in the political, economic, and security axes throughout the period in question. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study aims to empirically analyze the impact of the EU - Turkey Customs Union (CU) on bilateral trade flows through the gravity model, using two extensive datasets at the aggregate and disaggregate levels. Findings do not suggest any statistically significant impact on bilateral trade during the examined period. However, approximately in the first ten years of the CU, there was a positive impact, but it disappeared later on. In addition, results support the endogeneity of the CU decision. At the sectoral level, agriculture and fuel trade indicate a unidirectional increase. Still, trade in manufactured goods, which is the CU's main scope, does not suggest any significant change. At the disaggregated level for 69 product groups, few manufactures indicate a positive impact, mostly in favor of EU exports. Inspecting heterogeneous effects by countries and products implies some trends based on distance, membership years, and technological sophistication levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Gazi Journal of Economics & Business is the property of Gazi Journal of Economics & Business and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, trade flows between Turkey's provinces are analyzed with the structural gravity model. The gravity model that is widely used in international trade literature to estimate the effects of trade costs on trade flows, is used to analyze the interregional trade flows in this study. The research consists of 2006-2020 period for Turkey's 81 provinces. Typical issues within the gravity model literature such as zero trade flows and omission of multilateral resistance terms are treated with the appropriate econometric techniques. According to the findings, an increase in provinces' GDP's, sharing a common border and having a shore lead to increase bilateral trade. On the other hand, an increase in distance between provinces and having a national border lead to decrease bilateral trade. Also, the opposite of the prediction of the Linder hypothesis is reached as a result of the analysis. Accordingly, differences in demand conditions between provinces in Turkey have an increasing effect on bilateral trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why do infrastructures remain in place if they do not perform the functions which compelled their design? If soft infrastructures such as diplomatic trips do not increase bilateral trade volumes, why do they stay on the agenda? Drawing on fieldwork with businesspeople and government representatives attending a Turkish government sponsored diplomatic trip to Algeria, Mauritania and Senegal in 2018, this article makes three points. First, it shows that businesspeople joined diplomatic trips, not necessarily because they were interested in African markets or because they had the necessary expertise to engage in foreign trade, but because they saw them as practical spaces for improving their relations with Turkey's Justice and Development Party (AKP) government. Second, it points to how businesspeople believed that participation in these networks offered "a fast track," enabling entrepreneurs to acquire wealth quickly. Third, it demonstrates that businesspeople participate not only because they seek involvement in relationships of exchange, but also because they believe in the emergence of a grand Turkey, dominant in international politics. In this context, such infrastructures remain intact not necessarily because they fulfill the promises with which they were started, but because they serve legible pragmatic and ideological purposes for a range of users. Overall, this article documents and analyzes how businesspeople in Turkey conceptualize their existing and future presence in African markets, while providing windows into the repurposing of soft infrastructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's government seeks to apply both "religious soft power" and "economic soft power" to increase its influence in Ghana. Turkey's religious soft power relationship with Ghana is exemplified by Turkey's paying for construction of a new national mosque in the African country, at a cost of USD 10 million. Turkey's economic soft power relationship with Ghana is exemplified by both considerable recent investments and in fast-growing bilateral trade. The overall aim of the government of Turkey is to increase the country's influence in Ghana, part of a wider initiative to expand its regional influence in Africa. Ghana is important to Turkey as it is regarded as a strategically important African country, one of the region's few democracies and an economic success. The paper assesses Turkey's various forms of influence in Ghana and considers what Turkey hopes to achieve in foreign policy terms. The paper is in four sections. The first examines religious soft power and Turkey–Ghana relations, noting that recently they have become closer and more cordial, involving both religious and non-religious aspects. The second section examines Muslims' traditionally marginal political position in Ghana and explains that over time Muslims have become more politically assertive, open to external religious influences, including from Turkey, a country well known to use religious soft power to try to expand its foreign policy influence. The third section assesses recent Ghana-Turkey relations, including the expansion of Turkey's economic soft power, with three examples: the national mosque, encouraging Islamic education, and mutual desire to quell the activities of what the government of Turkey refers to as the "Fethullah Terrorist Organisation". The section also considers the role of Turkey's economic soft power in increasing the country's presence in Ghana. The concluding section argues that the government of Turkey uses several techniques to increase its influence in Ghana, including both religious soft power and economic soft power. The government of Ghana broadly welcomes Turkey's influence from both religious and economic perspectives: from a religious point of view, Turkey's Sunni orthodoxy is seen as very unlikely to stimulate radicalization among Ghana's Muslims, while Turkey's economic presence is welcomed as an important means to help further build Ghana's economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the asymmetric effect of exchange rate volatilities on Turkey's bilateral trade with Germany over the period between 2002:1 and 2020:2. This study uses the Markov Regime Switching model to analysis the effect of the real exchange rate changes on the bilateral trade volume of Turkey with Germany throughout the periods of expansion and contraction in the trade volume. The results obtained reveal that the changes in real exchange rate have positive impact on the bilateral trade balance in the expansion period, despite there is no statistically significant evidence in the contraction period. This study also concludes the J-curve is valid in Turkey and Germany's bilateral trade relations because of the export-boosting effect of the real exchange rate in the expansion period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to analyse the presents of the J-curve effect for bilateral trade between The Republic of North Macedonia and its largest trading partners, namely: Germany, Greece, Bulgaria, Belgium, Serbia, Great Britain, Italy, Turkey, USA and Poland. According to the theory, the devaluation of the domestic currency is expected to initially worsen the trade balance and then improve it and so forming a curve in the form of the letter J. The empirical analysis using quarterly data from q1-1997 to q4-2021 will be performed by the ARDL model as a more appropriate econometric model to analyse the impact of the exchange rate on bilateral trade between the Republic of North Macedonia and its trading partners for the short and long-run relationship. The results suggest that only in three of ten trading partners exchange rate seems to have a long-run effect and only with two have a short-run effect. Based on the results, the existence of the J-curve was found only in bilateral trade with North Macedonia and Belgium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Uluslararasi Ekonomi ve Yenilik Dergisi is the property of Karadeniz Technical University, Depertmant of Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study analyzes how bilateral trade between Turkey and Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) countries has been affected by the immigrant flows from Turkey to OECD countries. The main objective is to unveil which channels of foreign trade are affected by immigrant flows from Turkey to OECD countries. Most empirical studies examining the static relationship between international migration and bilateral foreign trade take advantage of panel gravity models. This paper outlines a new approach on using a dynamic panel gravity model to analyze the dynamic relationship between international migration and bilateral foreign trade. This study tests the impact of immigrant flows from Turkey to OECD countries on bilateral foreign trade between countries from 2000-2016 for the first time using the system GMM estimation method. The evidence from this study indicates the relationship between bilateral foreign trade and immigrant flows from Turkey to OECD countries from Turkey to have complementarity. In addition, this study's findings indicate immigration flows from Turkey to OECD countries to contribute to the exports from immigrants' host countries and to increase Turkey's imports. The results show these immigrant flows to be effective by means of networking channels in terms of foreign trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, the effect of real exchange rate on bilateral trade balance between Turkey and its 25 main trade partners is investigated for the period of 1996-2015 with heterogeneous panel data techniques. Trade balance model is estimated by using Mean Group (MG) estimator, which allows parameter heterogeneity, Common Correlated Effects Mean Group (CCEMG), and Augmented Mean Group (AMG) estimators, which both allow cross-section dependency and heterogeneity. Results indicate that the real exchange rate elasticity of the trade balance ranges between -0.40 and -0.45 and Marshall-Lerner (ML) condition is valid for Turkey. According to the results, the foreign income elasticity of trade balance ranges between 1.54 and 2.84, while for domestic income elasticity, it is found between -0.75 and -1.38. Country-specific results show that ML condition is valid for the USA, Belgium, Spain, Switzerland, Romania, and Russia at the bilateral level according to both CCEMG and AMG estimators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The First Globalisation Era of the late 19th century following the United Kingdom (UK) based Industrial Revolution, shaped the bilateral economic relationship between Turkey, formerly, Ottoman Empire and the UK, formerly, British Empire, including both bilateral trade and direct investment flows. On the other hand, in the Second Globalisation Era, following the Information and Communications Technology revolution, in late 20th century, bilateral economic relations gained a new dimension, where “more equal relationships” were observed between the two parties. The aim of this paper is to analyse and compare the bilateral Turkish-English economic relationship including both international trade and foreign direct investment in these two globalisation eras in order to emphasise the main differences and similarities as well as the magnitude of changes affecting these economies. It is found out that the industrial revolution in the UK did not shape the economic order only but also shaped the bilateral economic relationships between the so called “centre and periphery”. In this regard, in the Second Globalisation Era after 2001 with the changing place of the Britain Empire in the new Globalisation Era “more equal relationships” between two parties compared to the First Globalisation Era is found out, at least in terms of international trade. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study focuses on the foreign trade relationship between Turkey and Bulgaria. The patterns of Bulgaria's foreign trade partners is compatible with the gravity model of international trade which asserts that bilateral aggregate trade flows between two countries is proportional to the gross national products of those countries and inversely proportional to bilateral accessibility between them. Bilateral accessibility are time-invariant characteristics of a country pair such as distance or sharing the same language and culture. The role of distance, economic size and language-culture in Bulgarian foreign trade is strong. It can also be observed that main trade partners of Bulgaria have stayed the same since 2000's. Although Bulgaria's imports from and exports to the EU members have significantly increased since the Bulgaria's entrance into the EU in 2007, the imports from and exports to third non-member countries have kept their importance relatively unchanged. In other words, Bulgaria have not replaced trade partners from third countries with European ones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International trade can be considered a means of sharing the world's wealth and a web that holds countries together. Despite the fact that this web is not strong enough to defy every problem between states, trade has become an important tool for Turkey's rapprochement with its neighbors. In this regard, Turkish‐Iranian trade relations are based on mutual benefits and reciprocal dependency. Despite the two countries' different political and economic structures and numerous points of controversy, Turkey and Iran have enhanced their economic relations. As a result of increasing and mutually beneficial bilateral trade, both countries have succeeded in confining their differences to minor points of friction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In This paper, we try to investigate Marshall-Lerner condition and J-curve effect on bilateral trade between Turkey and itstwo major partners by employing Nonlinear Autoregressive Distributed Lag (NARDL) and Johansen-Juselius cointegration approaches. The study is mainly focused on estimating J-curve effect of devaluation by employing an aggregate trade data on bilateral trade between Turkey-Germany and Turkey-USA over the period from 2005Q04-2020Q01 (before outbreak of covid-19 pandemic). The methods are selected depend on stationary degree of series in each model. In case of Turkey-Germany the series aremixed integrated series (i.e. I(1) and I(0)) that allow us to use NARDL models and estimate asymmetric effects of real exchange rate on trade balance. In case of Turkey-USA, all the series are integrated at I(1) that lead us to apply for Johansen - Juselius cointegration approaches. Findings support J-curve phenomenon in both Turkey-Germany and Turkey-USA. These results indicate that a depreciations/decrease on Turkish Lira has long run and positive effect on trade balance of Turkey. Thus, devaluation in Turkish Lira canimprove the trade balance (i.e. eliminate persistent balance of payments deficits) of bilateral trade between Turkey-Germany and Turkey -USA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of BH Economics Forum / BH Ekonomski Forum is the property of University of Zenica, Faculty of Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Emerging Economies & Policy is the property of JOEEP: Journal of Emerging Economies & Policy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

According to many studies in the literature, income and exchange rate are the main determinants of the foreign trade balance. However, not only income and exchange rates, but also the export and import compositions of a country can affect the foreign trade balance of that country. In this framework, this study has been examined the effect of export and import composition of Turkey on bilateral trade balance with European Union- 15 (EU-15) countries post custom union period. Time span of this study is 1997 to 2018. In this study, export composition of Turkey is the ratio of textiles, wearing apparel, leather and related products plus food products, beverages and tobacco export to total export for selected country. Import composition of Turkey is the ratio of high and medium-high R&D intensive products import to total import for selected country. Also, in accordance with the traditional theory, the exchange rate and income variables are added to the model. According to the results of the panel regression techniques, the export composition affects the foreign trade balance negatively and the import composition positively. Moreover, owing to Kónya panel causality tests, the country-based export composition and import compositions to the foreign trade balance, causality was examined and the results of the coefficient and sign were revealed. Policy suggestions were tried to be put forward according to panel regression and causality results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign trade expansion plays an important role in economic growth and development. Since Iran’s singleproduct economy is facing tight sanctions, among trading partners, Turkey benefits from special place, and political independence in international relations because of its large population, rising per capita income, high economic growth rate, geographical and cultural proximity to Iran. Many opportunities and substantial capacities have been established for expanding foreign trade between these two countries. To do this, it is necessary to determine the maximum export capacity of Iran to Turkey and whether this capacity has actually been deployed and realized or not. The next question is what the bases of Iran’s export development to Turkey are, and the goods which should be focused on to develop trading. Therefore, the aim of this study was to estimate the maximum export capacity of Iran to Turkey and to determine the commodities with the highest export capacity. The Revealed Comparative Advantage (RCA) index, the Cosine Index, and the General Model of the gravity model were used to evaluate Iran’s export potential and to determine commodities in which Iran has export advantage. Iran’s export potential to Turkey was investigated in various years and in different commodity groups by comparing the rate of export volume of each commodity to total volume of its import by Turkey. Research findings indicated that the highest Iranian export potential value to Turkey was $9,339 million, and just 7.2% of that ($669 million) has been realized. Also, 11 commodity groups formed more than 66% of Iranian potential exports to Turkey. Among them, ‘mineral products’ with $2,730 million, ‘plastics and natural rubber and artifacts made from them’ with 1,185 million, ‘common metals and artifacts made from them’ with $918 million, and ‘products of the chemical industry and its related industries’ with $879 million were respectively the four commodity groups with the highest export potential. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International trade of plastic waste promotes the global plastic circular economy and improves resource efficiency, but exacerbates the ubiquitous plastic pollution. Understanding the drivers behind the evolution of the global plastic waste trade network (GPWTN) is pivotal for developing new international instruments to end plastic pollution and fostering clean solid-waste trade. Employing social network analysis (SNA) and quadratic assignment procedure (QAP) model, this study structures the GPWTN using bilateral trade data, revealing shifts from highly centralized to cross-layered networks and relevant drivers. It is suggested that Malaysia and Turkey has become the new key recipients of the GPWTN, replacing China, accompanied by the launch of new environmental regulations in some countries. Transportation cost is the most critical factor for the formation of the GPWTN, followed by gaps in resource demand, bio-based resource availability, and transportation accessibility. Trading partners in closer proximity, especially those with contiguous borders, are more likely to trade in waste plastics, while coastal countries play an important role in these partnerships. Economies with more abundant biomaterials, higher incomes, and greater environmental burdens are more likely to be exporters, while economies with scarcer resources and more compelling demands are more likely to import plastic waste. Countries involved in the trade in plastic waste, as either importers or exporters, receive varying degrees of economic benefits but bear potential environmental impacts. Therefore, global plastic pollution control and trade prosperity necessitates necessitate coordinated endeavors from nations and intergovernmental bodies for a mutually advantageous denouement. • GPWTN shows a shift from high concentration to cross-layered over time. • In the GPWTN, Malaysia and Turkey have become the new recipients, replacing China. • Transportation cost is the primary driver of GPWTN. • Affluent economies with heavier environmental burdens tend to be exporters. • Economies with pressing resource demands are more prone to import plastic waste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russian-Turkish economic relations, which were plagued by the global economic downturn as well as Russia's economic sanctions against Turkey in retaliation for the downing of a Russian fighter jet, are now recovering. Prior to these events, Russia and Turkey had enjoyed close economic ties since the collapse of the Soviet Union. Indeed, before the global economic crisis, bilateral trade between Russia and Turkey had been growing rapidly; foreign direct investments were increasing, the annual number of international tourists was on the rise, and cooperation in the field of energy was deepening. This article analyzes the current state and prospects of Russian-Turkish economic relations and concludes that the two countries are natural partners and should develop their economic cooperation despite several difficulties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Trade security issues involve customs control and trade facilitation, sustaining competitiveness of domestic producers under open economy, optimization of foreign trade structure, stability of trade flows, and dependency on markets and suppliers. We analyze the structure and trends in exports of the EU-28 Member States, Ukraine and Turkey, as well as their bilateral trade in goods and services. Nowadays both these countries have trade preferences in bilateral trade with the EU. Considering goods export structures, Turkey is much more competitor for the EU than Ukraine. Ukraine is rather a complementary economy to the EU and no Member State is vulnerable to competitive pressure from Ukrainian exports of goods. Despite both Turkey and Ukraine have similar levels of services export structure similarity with the EU, Ukrainian services exports are 6 times lower than the ones of Turkey, therefore threat of competition with Ukraine is minor. Competition with Ukrainian services exports is relatively higher in Central Europe, but since transport is a major type of services, competition can be balanced by cooperation benefits based on route connectivity under geographical proximity. Turkey is a major competitor to Southern Europe (especially Greece) and some other Member States. Turkey is larger trade partner for the EU because of higher income per capita than in Ukraine and longer period of free trade regime with the EU. Economic recovery of Ukraine after the crisis in 2014-15, free trade regime and approximation of customs legislation of Ukraine under the Association Agreement can also help to facilitate bilateral trade and improve trade security. Economic development of Ukraine based on foreign direct investment of companies from European and other countries in the Ukrainian economy and the opening of the EU market for Ukrainian goods can replace exports of some industrial products from Turkey. The economic crisis in Ukraine in 2014-15 led to a negative growth of exports from the EU to Ukraine, while exports rose to Turkey. Provision of EU export growth in Ukraine will largely depend on the pace of economic recovery. However, several Member States have higher rates of export growth (especially in Greece) or import growth from Ukraine than from Turkey. But the overall level of trade dependence on Turkey and Ukraine is quite low. EU trade balance is positive with Ukraine in goods and services. The positive balance of foreign trade with Turkey is not compensated by the trade deficit in services. Greece has a trade balance in surplus with Turkey and Ukraine both in goods and in services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The greenhouse gas (GHG) emission reduction policies focus on production and consumption perspectives by primarily concentrating on emissions embodied in demand and supply chains. However, the recent literature on trade points out the importance of the value added content of trade. With globalization, more and more components of final goods are produced in different regions of the world. Therefore, the emission responsibilities are masked by the "value added chains" of final goods that are traded. In this study we investigate the GHG emissions embodied in value added content of Turkish bilateral trade with the European Union (EU) within the context of Ecological Unequal Exchange (EUE) theory. With the model developed, it is possible to trace the direct and indirect emissions along the domestic and foreign value added chains. The analysis is conducted for 22 sectors for the years 1995–2015 using the OECD Trade in Value Added Statistics and World Input-Output Database. Even though Turkey has a trade deficit with the EU for 1995–2015 period, the empirical results of this study indicate that emissions resulting from the exporting activity of Turkey to the EU exceed the EU's GHG emissions resulting from the exporting activity of the EU to Turkey. • The greenhouse gas emissions by domestic value added content of exports are analyzed. • The greenhouse gas emissions by foreign value added content of exports are analyzed. • There is Ecological Unequal Exchange between Turkey and the EU in general 1995–2015. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Ankara has considered African countries to be equal partners in its foreign policy objectives as well as economic goals", said Ismail Numan Telci, deputy director at the Centre for Middle Eastern Studies in Ankara. In October 2021, Istanbul hosted business leaders and dozens of ministers from African states for a summit aimed specifically at increasing trade. Heads of state from 16 African nations, along with more than 102 ministers and representatives of the African Union ( B AU b ) and the Economic Community of West African States ( B ECOWAS b ) attended the third Turkey-Africa Partnership Summit in Istanbul in December. [Extracted from the article]