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Systems of government have been an issue that has occupied Turkish politics periodically since the transition to multi-party politics. Most political leaders from the right-wing spectrum have repeatedly advocated the transition to a presidential system, which they considered an instrument for a fast and powerful executive branch. Following the constitutional amendments in the 2017 referendum, parliamentarism was replaced with the presidential government system. However, this dispute has not been settled yet. The opposition parties claimed that the presidential system would lead to a more authoritarian political regime, while the leading political party saw the amendments as tools to prevent a coalition government and sustain political stability. Inspired by these opposing views, this study aims to reveal the authoritarian shift generated by the 2017 constitutional amendments. It focuses on empirical findings to transcend the rational interpretations of the amendments. It concludes that even the two-and-a-half-years experience of the Turkish presidential system offers tangible proof of further authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the distribution of advertising in newspapers in Turkey and the impact of the government on the allocation, in particular, of official announcements and of advertising by partially state-owned enterprises and private companies loyal to the ruling party, as well as pressure on other commercial advertisers, during the rule of the Justice and Development Party between 2002 and 2020. It demonstrates that the government has, in the last decade, largely used the advertising sector as a "carrot and stick" tactic to control newspapers through the distribution of official announcements and advertising by state-owned enterprises. It further finds that the state has emerged in recent years as the largest advertiser financing the "captured media," control of media ownership has proved to be not enough to ensure docile news media. Turkey has shifted to competitive authoritarianism in recent years, and this article demonstrates the selective allocation of advertising, which is a strong component of suppressing the independent media. The article uncovers the impact of government on advertising, using two data sets to show: (i) the total spend on official announcements received by each newspaper and (ii) how much advertising space in square centimeters state-owned enterprises have placed in each newspaper. Interviews with editors-in-chief of newspapers also expose the direct role of government in the distribution of advertising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim: The aim of this work is to present behaviours and experiences of nurses in Turkey during the current coronavirus pandemic. Background: The coronavirus pandemic leads to difficulties for most health care workers, especially for nurses who mostly accompany patients and are on the front line. Methods: In the study, a parallel mixed pattern converging quantitative and qualitative research methods was used. Results: The model revealed that 41 years old or older, diabetic, female, single professionals, working in the pandemic department took more personal measures. Five main themes appeared regarding the experiences of the nurses during the pandemic period: (1) psychological and mental strain; (2) personal protective equipment; (3) organizational, physical, and social strains; (4) change in professional values; (5) turning the crisis into an opportunity. Conclusions: Personal measures are associated with the risk status. There is a need to protect nurses with significant measures by providing psychosocial support, meeting their basic needs, and preventing all complications likely to occur due to increasing workload. Implications for Nursing Management: More efforts should be made to ensure good work, fair treatment, no tolerance for discrimination, and equal compensation conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 1982 Turkish Constitution established a legal system aimed at ensuring state efficiency and stability more than the full respect of the rule of law. In the last decade, the latter is undergoing a democratic decay. The currently dominant Islamic Populism is reinterpreting fundamental concepts of constitutional democracy to entrench a paternalistic majoritarian vision of the law-making process and of the society. This perspective undermines the principle of gender equality, confirming the denial of LGBTQIA+ rights and increasingly favouring the principle's interpretation in line with the Islamic conception of gender complementarity. Such a limitation in women's enjoyment of equality is quite striking for a country that started the process of women's emancipation and empowerment at the beginning of the twentieth century, coevally with the establishment of the Turkish Republic. Furthermore, this drift raises doubts as to the activity of the parliamentary committee on 'Equal opportunity for women and men', established in 2009 with the duty of ensuring the respect for gender equality throughout the law-making process. Does it effectively enhance gender equality in the legislation or is it a mere reputational tool? To answer this question, after having introduced the illiberal features of the current Turkish regime, the activity of the Committee is assessed against the European and Turkish standards on the quality of legislation. Finally, concluding remarks compare the Turkish case with other illiberal authoritarianisms' discourse on gender equality, underscoring to what extent the Turkish authoritarian drift entails an anti-gender evolution in line with the conservative ideological vision of several other populisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Grade inflation which is known as the awarding of higher grades than students deserve in higher education has been observed since the 1960s. There is comprehensive evidence that document the allegations, prevalence, and severity of grade inflation in higher education in universities around the world for the past 10 years. Methods: This study analyzes the change in the ratio of graduates with a "very good (>2.99)" degree in medical education in Turkey within a 15-year-long period in terms of the grade inflation (when all other factors are constant), and factors that affect the overall achievement grades. The analyses were carried out using the grade point average (GPA) of 9,618 students who graduated from the medical schools of 25 Turkish universities, and grades of 288,540 students for 7,597 courses. In doing so, the "real" university random effects estimator modelling considering the differences in universities with correlation, ANOVA, t-test and ANCOVA analyses were carried out. Results: The results revealed that there was a marginal increase in grades in medical training before graduation. Twenty-nine percent grade inflation was detected in line with the relevant findings in literature and this figure is one of the highest that has been reported so far. It was also detected that the ratio of graduates with a "very good (>2.99)" degree was 17% in 2005 and it increased to 46% in 2020. Additionally, the class size, academic rank of the instructors, grades, course contents, types of the universities (public & non-profit private), accreditation of the program, and the age of the medical schools were considered as important determinants of the difference in course grades. Conclusion: These results show that both the uncontrolled expansion of medical schools in Turkey and the decrease in quality cause a significant increase in grades. Moreover, an important finding is that accreditation slows down the grade inflation. Both the course grades following the accreditation process and the inflation in the graduation grades (grade inflation) slowed down significantly in the accredited medical schools. This finding is an important example for the necessity of accreditation for universities, which is referred to as the "gold standard" to improve the quality of medical education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional powers are often assumed to place diplomatic emphasis on their surrounding regions. Yet few systematic comparisons have been carried out to empirically verify this assumption. Do regional powers tend to devote more attention to their neighbours or to more influential global partners instead? This article attempts to bridge that gap by comparing the amount of diplomatic attention that Brazil, South Africa and Turkey have devoted to their regions, ie South America, Africa and the Middle East/North Africa region, respectively. Relying on data on presidential diplomacy and diplomatic presence from the Rising Powers Diplomatic Network (RPDN) data set, we verify which destinations were prioritised by these three countries from 1995 to 2018. Results indicate that South Africa is the most regionally committed regional power. Turkey shows the least significant regional engagement, while Brazil occupies an intermediate position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Central Asia & the Caucasus (14046091) is the property of Ninety Nine Publications and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Administrative Sciences / Yonetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Canakkale Onsekiz Mart Universitesi, Terzioglu Kampusu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent work on elections in unconsolidated democracies and electoral authoritarian states has identified violence a problem that commonly afflicts electoral processes. Yet there is still little understanding of citizen reactions to violent acts and how voters attribute blame for attacks, intimidation, forceful obstruction of campaign activities and other violations of electoral peace. This paper aims to add to the growing micro-level literature on the dynamics of electoral violence by providing evidence of factors that shape regional heterogeneity in reactions to this phenomenon. Taking as our frame of reference the 2018 Turkish presidential elections, we probe the role of party identification and region of residence in conditioning blame attribution, separately and in combination. We find that the process of blame attribution is shaped by party identification, but that this effect is highly dependent on the regional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NATO is going through a time of high complexity, resulting largely from the deep internal divisions that limit its ability to deal with the various strategic challenges. Based on the recently published document "NATO 2030: United for a new era", which analyses the strategic environment and recommends a set of lines of action for the organization over the next ten years, this article argues that most of the proposed measures to strengthen the Alliance's political cohesion can only be successfully implemented if two essential measures are taken: rapprochement with Turkey and strengthening cooperation with the EU. The survival of NATO is also dependent on the identification of a common threat, fundamental to this type of community, a condition that currently does not exist, especially in relation to the two identified systemic adversaries: Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A variety of factors affect citizens' satisfaction with democracy. Based on Turkey's political and economic context, as well as the existing literature, this study investigates the effect of four factors on people's satisfaction with democracy in Turkey: citizens' conceptualizations of democracy, being a political winner, citizens' perceptions of electoral integrity, and ethnic identity. Regression analysis of a nationally representative survey reveals that political losers and those with negative perceptions of electoral integrity are less satisfied with democracy in Turkey, while people's conceptualizations of democracy and ethnic identity do not have an effect on satisfaction with democracy. We conclude that, in Turkey, political polarization and negative perceptions of electoral integrity trigger a decline in citizens' satisfaction with democracy, which requires the attention of policymakers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Millennium (03058298) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Previous research suggests that linkage to the West can have a strong democratizing influence on transitioning states. Yet, Western linkage and leverage lost much of their democratizing force by the early twenty‐first century. Turkey's political trajectory over the last decade furnishes a representative case study of the waning power of the West as an anchor for democratization in high‐linkage countries. Despite Turkey's robust ties to the West, competitive authoritarianism has been further entrenched and signs of a drift toward full‐fledged authoritarianism emerged since the failed coup of July 2016. We argue that in a context where the European Union and the United States' willingness to support democracy declined considerably the AKP's distancing from the West in foreign policy and balancing the Western powers with its new economic and political relations with autocratic regimes have served to stifle the democratizing pressure of Western linkage by lowering the cost of autocratic behavior for the AKP government and facilitating Turkey's illiberal turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Judgments by the Court of Jurisdictional Disputes / Uyusmazlik Mahkemesi Dergisi is the property of Court of Jurisdictional Disputes of the Republic of Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The process of Europeanisation initiated in Turkey following the 1999 Helsinki summit witnessed a loosening of state control over the Patriarchate of Constantinople under the government of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). In parallel with the AKP's reforms geared towards EU membership, the Patriarchate's activities became more transnational in their character, especially with regards to its organisation and influence over religious affairs within the Christian world. This contribution traces change and continuity in Turkish policy towards the Patriarchate under the AKP government. Key differences between the AKP government's stance on the Patriarchate and those of its predecessors are noted, with specific reference to prospects of EU membership and the strategy that has been devised by the AKP to that end. Specifically, the contribution shows that Turkey's bid to join the EU initially presented important leverage over Turkey, allowing the Patriarchate to reassert its transnational character. However, diminished prospects of EU membership together with a gradual return of nationalist sentiment now present an important challenge for the Patriarchate in its efforts to maintain transnational character and influence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Pamukkale University Journal of Social Sciences Institute / Pamukkale Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Pamukkale University, Social Sciences Institute and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The political context for practicing free and independent journalism has always been challenging in Turkey and ever more so after the failed coup d'état of 2016. This article examines and analyzes the changes brought about by this failed coup d'état in terms of their civil, legal, and political significance for news journalism and news journalists. More specifically and based on two sets of semi-structured interviews with Turkish editors and senior journalists supported by an analysis of gray literature, we argue that between 2013 and 2018 Turkey has moved from a pre-coup repression of news journalism (2013–2016) to a post-coup oppression of news journalism (2016–2018). The former was characterized by unsystematic attacks on news journalism conducted with impunity leading to a climate of fear that made self-censorship inescapable. In contrast, the latter relied on constitutional changes and the use of law to systematically compromise the civil institution of news journalism and to cast news journalists as political enemies of the Turkish state resulting in what can be likened to a loss of their citizenship. We further argue that the development from the repression to oppression of news journalism has been 'authorized' and 'legalized' by the constitutional changes that came into force on 9 July 2018. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geographical location of Turkey in the Asia Minor places the country in a delicate geostrategic position determined by its history, ideological structure, politics and energy economy. The Turkish government has defined its main energy strategies with the goal of reaching 30% renewables by 2023. Key strategies declared are the prioritization of energy supply security, the consideration of environmental concerns, and an increase in efficiency and productivity through the establishment of transparent and competitive market conditions through reform and liberalization. This article analyses the renewable energy (RE) transition of Turkey from a fully centralised energy management model towards a system of partially centralization through the unbundling of utility companies. Analysis will utilize Michael Mann's theory on the four sources of social power as an alternative organizational means of social control and the interrelations of ideological, economic, political and military power. The recent history of Turkey's RE transition and government plans for sector development will be investigated from a socio-spatial and organizational perspective. Furthermore, the way in which these socio-spatial relations have been shaping electricity market liberalization and the preparedness of the state to share its power with non-state actors is discussed. The potential of a centralised RE management model to inspire 'decentralised' RE management in other geographies is considered. In conclusion, key factors in the organisation of the (de)centralised electricity transitions are found to be dependent on history, geography, and overlapping relations of social power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although there is no commonly agreed upon definition of grand strategy in the literature, most analyses of the concept include efforts of states to develop long-term plans, programs and policies to achieve their national interests, utilizing the nation's resources and tools, including their economic, political, military, psychological and moral resources. Turkey has experience in developing a grand strategy in this context, albeit without specifically referring to the exercise as such. This paper looks at the expertise and historical precursors of Turkey's grand strategy experience to identify indicators for its future grand strategizing efforts. In this context, balancing major powers, the primacy of geography, economic development, Western connection, the impact of the international system, a sense of greatness and a wish for regional supremacy are identified as inputs of Turkey's past grand strategies. Moving from these bases, particulars of what could be identified as an "internationalist" grand strategy alternative for Turkey is offered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ermeni Arastirmalari is the property of Center for Eurasian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

President Erdoğan and the AKP government initiated a comprehensive restoration process immediately after the failed coup in mid-July 2016. In fact, the country has been experiencing a very comprehensive and violent regime transformation since this time. I assert that recent political developments paved the way for institutionalization of a 'plebiscitary presidential regime' that depends on a particular combination of supreme power of the leader, an extremely weak parliament, and elections of a plebiscitary character. In this context, the paper aims to shed light on the role of the new strategic legalism which allows rule of law to be replaced by a rule by law approach, the executive prerogative principle to be dominant, and the law to be used for demobilization, all playing a highly critical role in the suppression of democratic opposition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The debate on post‐secularism indicates both the inclusion of religious voices into the public sphere and the rising importance of religion in international politics as well as in domestic politics of Western nation‐states. The term "post‐secular" firstly emerged to describe the Western societies where pluralism has been a vital concern for liberal democracy. Nonetheless, the very same concern is prevalent across non‐Western societies. In this respect, the Turkish case having a secular state in a predominantly Muslim society provides a vibrant example for the analysis of post‐secularism as Islamic‐oriented Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) has been ruling Turkey since November 2002. In this article, the success or failure of the AKP in representing a post‐secular moment in Turkish politics is analysed with reference to and in comparison of two issues. The first one is the Sunni‐Islamic demands on the visibility in the public sphere symbolised with the headscarf issue. The second issue is the demands of Alevis living in Turkey as they force the boundaries of the "secular" public sphere which has been dominated by the Sunni‐Turkish socio‐cultural identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores Turkey's multifaceted cyberspace governance policy and argues that positioned between two opposites of cyberspace governance that has close military and security ties to the West, and domestic Internet policies more similar of Russia-China axis, Turkey should be considered as a swing state in global cyberspace governance debates. The article shows that despite her official discourse on multi-stakeholderism and its compliance with the emerging norms in the Euro-Atlantic alliance concerning cyber-security, cyber-crime, and cyber-defense; Turkey's domestic Internet policy converges towards the Russia-China axis characterized by the rise of information controls and increasing efforts to establish "digital sovereignty" to national cyber space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large sectors of the Kurdish movement in Turkey have progressively come to discuss, develop and/or endorse models of so-called "democratic autonomy". While there are several works in the field detailing and critiquing Turkey's policies vis-à-vis the Kurds, the international legal dimension of the Kurdish democratic autonomy proposal in its own right has received far less attention to date. The present article seeks to fill this gap by reflecting upon the internal coherence and consistency of the democratic autonomy argument in light of international law standards and practice, with particular reference to internal self-determination in Turkey. I argue that any future settlement of the Kurdish question will require not only Turkey's compliance with its own human rights obligations, but also the Kurdish movement's ability to negotiate the accommodation of its aspirations in ways that are consistent with international human rights law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The majority of current political communication studies focus on discursive dimensions of communications and disregard how communications partake in the governing of populations through economic, material and institutional practices. By focusing on Turkey's case, here I move beyond this approach and examine the role of communications in the development of neoliberal capital accumulation, authoritarian welfare politics, political repression and the production of popular support. The article provides an empirical analysis of policy developments and plans and the restructuring of ownership and control of networks between 2002 and 2016 in Erdoğan's Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The attempted coup of July 16, 2016 caught many observers of Turkey by surprise. It was either hoped or believed that the age of military intervention was over. After all, hadn't Turkey's military been politically pacified following EU-centered reforms and after waves of resignations and indictments of top officers resulting from allegations of deep-state conspiracies against the government? We argue the contrary; in Turkey, the armed forces remained a political actor and had failed to professionalize. In addition, the Turkish military were plagued by in-fighting and factionalism, most notably officers aligned to the Gulen movement. These two factors, factionalism and unprofessionalism, were the main reasons why Turkey experienced yet another attempted coup. Such a state of affairs highlights Turkey's seemingly perpetual crisis in its civil–military relations, a significant obstacle on the road to democratization and a lesson to other countries with histories of military interference in the political process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The occupation of Crimea determined the Crimean Tatars to react with obvious and clear-cut response: condemning the Russian aggression against the Ukrainian territorial integrity. This paper aims to analyze the post-2014 Crimean hybrid conflict situation of the Crimean Tatars, by investigating how the Crimean Tatars conditions have evolved under the Russian invasion forces for the last five years. In order to understand the post-2014 situation, the paper also focuses and examines the forced deportation (Sürgün or the Soviet Genocide), as well as Turkey's foreign policy reactions toward this regional conflict. Civil disobedience and nonviolent strategy of the Crimean Tatars have been used to pressure the Russian public opinion and political elites regarding the unlawful and unfair act toward the Ukrainian and Crimean sovereignty. In addition, the Crimean Tatars have voiced their concerns and demands in the international political arenas. Overall, the paper focuses on the repercussions of the Crimean crisis from political, psycho-social and international perspectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since at least 2011, Turkey has undergone a dual process of democratic backsliding amid the emergence of a new, authoritarian regime under the leadership of Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. An interesting component of this process of authoritarian turn has been the lack of serious opposition on the part of the opposition parties CHP and IYIP parties to the growing political repression, curtailment of civil liberties and growing consolidation of power in the hands of Erdoğan. In this article, we deal with a major puzzle that emerged in Turkey's politics: how did the AKP regime legitimize its authoritarian transformation of the political system in Turkey in the eyes of CHP and IYIP, despite these parties' political opposition to the AKP regime and its Islamist agenda? In answering this question, we make use of a causal theory that predicted the intensified use of legitimation claims on the part of the incumbent regimes during authoritarian restructuring. Combining the works of several scholars, we utilize the concept of "missions," along with ideational narratives, performance objectives and six claims of legitimation to explain how the AKP managed to legitimize its authoritarian grip and regime change even in the eyes of the main opposition parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to examine Turkey's reservation to Article 27 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and to advance a plausible argument for its invalidity based upon the relevant secondary rules of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to provide an image on the Romanian-Turkish relationships from the perspective of the Romanian students. The rationale of the research lays on the importance of the perception the host country has about different groups of diasporas in the evolution of the relationships between countries. The study has an explorative value and adds to the existed empirical studies that investigate the image of the bilateral relationships between countries. The research surveyed 187 students from different universities from Romania. The main results identified a good image of Turkey, despite a less good opinion on the relations between the two countries over time; the students consider that the Romanian-Turkish relations have a good development potential; students are relatively reluctant about Turkey's accession to the European Union; the image of the traditional Turkish minority in Romania is a good one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore internet users' experiences of cyberhate in the aspects of ethnicity, religion, sexual preference and political perspective. Design/methodology/approach: Researchers employed an exploratory survey method to examine internet users' experiences of cyberhate. The participants of the study were determined by purposive sampling methods to attain maximum variety among internet users with high-level digital literacy skills. The data were collected from 355 internet users affiliated with two universities in Turkey and the USA using a personal data form and a survey (Cyberhate Experience Survey) of which reliability and validity indexes were ensured. Findings: The results indicated that participants have observed and experienced cyberhate at different levels targeting their ethnic, religious, gender-based and political identities. The findings also pointed out that gender, income and socio-political identities are significant variables on exposure to cyberhate regardless of cultural and educational boundaries. The majority of survey respondents reported that they had encountered cyberhate mostly on social media platforms. Social implications: The findings of the study imply that to address the hate speech problem comprehensively, the author must enlighten people, change their way of thinking and broaden their perspectives by using measures such as intercultural dialogue, critical thinking, media literacy, education on tolerance and diversity. Originality/value: This research was intended to contribute into the need to elaborate on various aspects of cyberhate, which is shared by academics, thinkers, journalists and educators. It may also serve to clarify how frequently internet users encounter hateful content and harassment online, which can have social consequences and influence young people's trust to other people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Academic Research in Nursing (JAREN) is the property of Hemsirelikte Egitim ve Arastirma Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Aim: To determine the effects of high- and low-fidelity simulators on student nurses' learning of heart and lung sounds. Background: Simulation is an important part of nursing education because it helps to improve patient care and provides patient security. Method: The sample consisted of 3rd and 4th year students who studied at a nursing faculty in Istanbul between April and June 2017. In this randomized controlled experimental study, students were randomly divided into 2 groups, the high-fidelity simulator group (HFS group, n = 36), and the low-fidelity simulator group (LFS group, n = 35). Results: The auscultation skill levels of the HFS group were significantly higher post-training in comparison to the pre-training measurement (P <.05). There were no significant differences in the auscultation skill levels of the LFS group between the pretest and posttest measurements. Conclusion: The use of high-fidelity simulators is more effective in the learning of heart and lung sounds by student nurses than low-fidelity simulators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A View on the Future of Judicial Review of Constitutional Amendments in Turkey: An Invitation to Judicial Dialogue In this article, I discuss and analyse the Turkish case concerning judicial review of constitutional amendments in light of a recent decision by the Constitutional Court of Turkey (CCT). In the said decision, the CCT rejected carrying out judicial review over a controversial constitutional amendment, which lifted MPs' parliamentary immunity. This decision urges to consider its implications for the possible future cases. I refer to comparative constitutional law with the hope to shed more light on the Turkish example and grasp it comprehensively. In this respect, I illustrate the most crucial arguments developed by the Supreme Court of India (SCI), the Bundesverfassungsgericht (BVG), and the Conseil Constitutionnel (FCC) in their case law. Based on the comparative account, I draw some lessons for the CCT and invite it to get into a judicial dialogue with other supreme/constitutional courts with regard to the issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines grassroots mobilizations in Turkey against the government's policies on religion and education (RE), and the potential effects of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR or the Court) on their mobilization. Specifically, it follows the ways in which grassroots actors frame their discourses of secularism and freedom of religion in education during a period when the Turkish government is aiming to increase the role of Sunni-Islam in national education, while at the same time refusing to implement ECtHR decisions regarding RE. Drawing on empirical research, it analyzes the role the ECtHR and its case law play in the diverse rights claims and discourses of three different types of mobilizations that is going on in the field of RE: (i) legal mobilization, and right to exemption and freedom from religion, (ii) political mobilization, and new discourses of pluralism and secularism, (iii) monitoring and policy-based mobilization and national and international advocacy for pluralism and equality in education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Istanbul, the capital city of several empires in history, is among the most well-known metropoles in the world. It is also identified as the most developed and competitive city in Turkey generating almost a third of the economic activities and half of the country's tax revenues. However, its new mayor will face several challenges due to the uncontrollable growth of the city as well as the deepening economic crisis in the country. The purpose of this case is to assess the current situation in Turkey and in Istanbul, introduce the most imminent challenges and compare the city to its rivals in the Middle East and Central Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conflict between the AKP and the HDP can, in part, be understood as a conflict over the nature of democracy in Turkey. While the AKP embodies a vision of majoritarian democracy that has descended into electoral authoritarianism, the HDP offers an alternative vision of ‘radical democracy’ that argues for minority rights and checks on the centralised state. It is against this backdrop that this article analyses the rise of the HDP to become the first Kurdish party to pass the 10% electoral threshold without allying with another party and gain representation in the Grand National Assembly. This article argues that while both parties offer competing visions of democracy, both are instrumental. That is, the parties’ commitment to their democratic visions depends upon the degree to which it helps to advance their interests. In this regard, they fit a longer-term pattern in Turkish politics, which ultimately leaves Turkish democracy weak and with little reason for optimism going forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]