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Despite the growing importance of new technologies, research on individual opinion formation in the digital domain is still in its infancy. This article empirically examines citizens' use of social media in the context of direct democracy. Based on previous work, we expect men to form their opinions on social media more frequently than women (gender gap hypothesis). In the second step, we focus on the contextual level by examining the role campaigns play in reducing this discrepancy. More specifically, we hypothesize that the presumed gender gap narrows in accordance with the increasing intensity of public debates that precede ballots (interaction hypothesis). The empirical analysis draws on 13 post-ballot surveys held at Switzerland's federal level from 2016 to 2020 and supports both the gender gap and the interaction hypotheses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The use of formal coercion such as seclusion, mechanical restraint, and forced medication is one of the most challenging and complex issues in mental health care, on the clinical, the legal, and the ethical level. Clinical ethics support aims at assisting healthcare practitioners in determining the morally most justifiable course of action in these situations. However, the effectiveness of clinical ethics support has hardly been studied so far. Methods: Monthly moral case deliberation (MCD) was implemented in two acute wards of two different psychiatric hospitals in Switzerland. Frequency and intensity of coercion was measured on ward level (npatients = 405), and the Moral Attentiveness Scale, Knowledge on Coercion Scale, and Staff Attitudes towards Coercion Scale were applied on healthcare practitioner level (nHP = 46). Pre-post-comparisons were conducted using multi-level modeling where appropriate. Results: After implementation of MCD, formal coercion was less frequent (particularly seclusion, small effect size; 9.6 vs. 16.7%, p =.034, Cramér's V =.105) and less intense (particularly mechanical restraint, large effect size; 86.8 ± 45.3 vs. 14.5 ± 12.1 h, exact p =.019, r = -.74), and approval for coercive measures among healthcare practitioners was lower when controlling for the number of MCD sessions attended. Conclusions: Clinical ethics support such as MCD may be a hitherto underutilized service for the reduction of coercion, complementing existing strategies and programs. Implementing clinical ethics support may help improve quality of care for persons suffering from severe mental illness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aside from many well-known sources, the greenhouse gas methane (CH4) was recently discovered entrapped in the sediments of Swiss Alpine glacier forefields derived from calcareous bedrock. A first study performed in one glacial catchment indicated that CH4 was ubiquitous in sediments and rocks and was largely of thermogenic origin. Here, we present the results of a follow-up study that aimed at (1) determining the occurrence and origin of sediment-entrapped CH4 in other calcareous glacier forefields across Switzerland and (2) providing an inventory of this sediment-entrapped CH4 , i.e., determining the contents and total mass of CH4 present, and its spatial distribution within and between five different Swiss glacier forefields situated on calcareous formations of the Helvetic nappes in the Central Alps. Sediment and bedrock samples were collected at high spatial resolution from the forefields of Im Griess, Griessfirn, Griessen, Wildstrubel, and Tsanfleuron glaciers, representing different geographic and geologic regions of the Helvetic nappes. We performed geochemical analyses on gas extracted from sediments and rocks, including the determination of CH4 contents, stable carbon-isotope analyses (δ 13CCH4), and the determination of gas-wetness ratios (ratio of CH4 to ethane and propane contents). To estimate the total mass of CH4 entrapped in glacier-forefield sediments, the total volume of sediment was determined based on the measured forefield area and either literature values of mean sediment thickness or direct depth measurements using electrical resistivity tomography. Methane was found in all sediments (0.08–73.81 µgCH4g-1 dry weight) and most rocks (0.06–108.58 µgCH4g-1) collected from the five glacier forefields, confirming that entrapped CH4 is ubiquitous in these calcareous formations. Geochemical analyses further confirmed a thermogenic origin of the entrapped CH4 (average δ 13CCH4 of sediment of - 28.23 (± 3.42) ‰; average gas-wetness ratio of 75.2 (± 48.4)). Whereas sediment-entrapped CH4 contents varied moderately within individual forefields, we noted a large, significant difference in the CH4 content and total CH4 mass (range of 200–3881 t CH4) between glacier forefields at the regional scale. The lithology and tectonic setting within the Helvetic nappes appeared to be dominant factors determining rock and sediment CH4 contents. Overall, a substantial quantity of CH4 was found to be entrapped in Swiss calcareous glacier forefields. Its potential release and subsequent fate in this environment is the subject of ongoing studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on policies seeking to address social inequalities in metropolitan areas, where the allocation of resources to places with needs often clashes with the politics of redistribution in fragmented local government systems. Scholarship on metropolitan governance has yet to overcome the opposition between proponents of consolidation and defenders of polycentrism. The crucial open question is whether and how intergovernmental cooperation and revenue-sharing can redress spatial equity in institutionally fragmented metropolitan areas. This article addresses this question by exploring the determinants of social expenditures in the 630 municipalities of seven major metropolitan areas in Switzerland, where revenue-sharing systems are common. The analysis shows that intergovernmental grants make a significant but limited contribution to reducing the mismatch between needs and resources in fragmented and decentralized metropolitan areas, depending on the redistributive efforts made by higher state levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study of subjective democratic legitimacy from a citizens' perspective has become an important strand of research in political science. Echoing the well‐known distinction between 'input‐oriented' and 'output‐oriented' legitimacy, the scientific debate on this topic has coined two opposed views. Some scholars find that citizens have a strong and intrinsic preference for meaningful participation in collective decision making. But others argue, to the contrary, that citizens prefer 'stealth democracy' because they care mainly about the substance of decisions, but much less about the procedures leading to them. In this article, citizens' preferences regarding democratic governance are explored, focusing on their evaluations of a public policy according to criteria related to various legitimacy dimensions, as well as on the (tense) relationship among them. Data from a population‐based conjoint experiment conducted in eight metropolitan areas in France, Germany, Switzerland and the United Kingdom is used. By analysing 5,000 respondents' preferences for different governance arrangements, which were randomly varied with respect to their input, throughput and output quality as well as their scope of authority, light is shed on the relative importance of different aspects of democratic governance. It is found, first, that output evaluations are the most important driver for citizens' choice of a governance arrangement; second, consistent positive effects of criteria of input and throughput legitimacy that operate largely independent of output evaluations can be discerned; and third, democratic input, but not democratic throughput, is considered somewhat more important when a governance body holds a high level of formal authority. These findings run counter to a central tenet of the 'stealth democracy' argument. While they indeed suggest that political actors and institutions can gain legitimacy primarily through the provision of 'good output', citizens' demand for input and throughput do not seem to be conditioned by the quality of output as advocates of stealth democratic theory suggest. Democratic input and throughput remain important secondary features of democratic governance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Media coverage of politics is widely considered essential to political participation. However, studies on local elections do not yet generally take the effect of the media environment into account. This article posits that the territorial fit between newspaper markets and municipal boundaries makes citizens' exposure to locally relevant news more likely. We use fine-grained data on newspaper readership in order to assess the effect of the territorial structure of the newspaper market on turnout in municipal elections in Switzerland. The analysis shows that newspaper audience in a municipality and the congruence of newspaper markets with municipal territories both have substantial positive effects on levels of turnout in municipal elections. The findings suggest that future research on local political behavior should better acknowledge the influence of the media environment - which can be adequately measured by newspaper audience and congruence. Implications are that current structural changes in the media system bear threats to local democracy via the territorial upscaling of media markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though modern surgical techniques are dominating reconstructive facial procedures, the capability to use facial epitheses for reconstruction is still an important skill for the maxillofacial surgeon. We present an international multicenter analysis to clarify which techniques are used to fixate facial prostheses. We contacted all maxillofacial departments in Germany, Austria, Switzerland and Norway which were registered with the German society for oral and maxillofacial surgery (DGMKG). These centers were asked via electronical mail to provide information on the type of epithesis fixation systems currently in use. The return rate from 58 departments was 43.1% (n = 25). Overall, implant fixation was the preferred fixation system (92%). Plates were the second most common fixation technique (32%). No centers reported the standard use of non-invasive fixation techniques for permanent epithesis fixation. The main retention systems in use were magnets (24/25), other retention systems are used much less often. The current preferred fixation technique for facial epitheses consists of implant-based, magnet-fixated epitheses. For nasal prostheses, a plate-based, magnet-fixated system is often used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a survey of 2010 citizens in four large metropolitan areas in Switzerland, the analysis presented in this article shows that spatial mobility of citizens across municipal borders leads to an upscaling of their territorial identities at the level of the city-region. On the one hand, this results in a favorable attitude towards encompassing institutions at the city-regional scale. On the other hand, given the high degree of institutional fragmentation prevailing in Swiss city-regions, strong city-regional orientations lead to a delegitimization of the local political system. Without adequate reforms of the territorial institutional framework, the ongoing growth and functional integration of city-regional spaces will lead to political alienation and increasingly challenge the democratic legitimacy of the local state in Switzerland. Beyond the Swiss case, the article shows that the long-running debate on metropolitan governance should focus, more thoroughly than in the past, on issues of citizenship and democratic legitimacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Deliberative democracy is expected to increase legitimacy and effectiveness of democratic governance. In recent years, a growing body of research has reported on different instances of participatory innovations across the globe. Nevertheless, quantitative evidence on the determinants of legitimate and effective deliberative procedures is still scarce. Examining parents’ participation in school governance in Switzerland, this article explores the effect of the design of deliberative institutions on perceptions of legitimacy and effectiveness. Based on an original survey of 312 parent councils of public primary schools in Switzerland, the results of our analysis corroborate theoretical expectations about the impact of institutional design on legitimacy and effectiveness of deliberative procedures: More authority granted to parent councils clearly enhances the output-legitimacy of these bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Land-use policies have long been recognized as important driving forces of urbanization, but little research has been conducted on the interrelationship of actors, policy decision processes and changes in the built environment. In this paper, we use the advocacy coalition framework to analyse policy decisions that affected the development of the built environment in three Swiss municipalities between 1970 and 2007. We found that all three municipalities experienced the same major policy changes, namely a new definition of the role of urban management (1970s); the adoption of an environment- and problem-oriented approach in land-use planning (1980s) as well as an increased emphasis on public participation and intra-municipal coordination (1990s). Although national laws and actors have shaped the crucial driving forces of urban change, local actors, their coalitions and the local distribution of resources crucially determined these decisions in the study period. Our findings suggest that a stronger focus on local actors, their coalitions and resources could greatly improve our understanding of spatial development processes in Switzerland. For instance, as land ownership turned out to be a crucial resource, Swiss municipalities could benefit from engaging more actively in the land market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to their nodal position in economic and social development, metropolitan areas give impetus to globalization. In turn, they are themselves transformed by this process. However, the question of how metropolitan areas transform by participating in the process of globalization is subject to debate. Based on case studies of two Swiss metropolitan areas (Berne and Zurich) and two policy domains (public transport and urban foreign policy), we argue that the rescaling process in metropolitan areas depends on the global competitiveness pressure the cities face and on the meaning that political actors give to these global pressures. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Collegium Novum was founded in 1993 as a successor to Paul Sacher's Collegium Musicum Zürich, with the aim and ambition of becoming one of the leading ensembles for new music. Susanne Kübler here situates the Collegium Novum in a European context and examines its specific profile under its current director, Jens Schubbe. She focusses not just on the present, but also on its years under its previous artistic directors Michael Haefliger (1993-1999), Patrick Müller (1999-2005) and Christian Fausch (2005-2010). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the concept of representative bureaucracy, this article examines how two multi-lingual states—Canada and Switzerland—deal with issues related to the participation of different linguistic communities in the federal public service. Following a political mobilisation of the linguistic cleavage, strategies to promote multilingualism in the public service have been adopted in both countries. The Canadian strategy focuses on equal treatment of Anglophones and Francophones in the public service. In Switzerland, adequate representation of the linguistic communities is the primary goal. These differences are explained by the characteristics of the linguistic regimes in each of the two countries, as well as by the peculiarities of consociational democracy in Switzerland. In both countries, the linguistic origins of public administration staff, overall, mirrors the proportions of the linguistic communities in the wider society. Within administrative units, however, linguistic diversity is hampered by the logics of language rationality, where minorities are under pressure to communicate in the language of the majority. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background Research policy in the field of HIV has changed substantially in recent decades in Switzerland. Until 2004, social science research on HIV/AIDS was funded by specialized funding agencies. After 2004, funding of such research was 'normalized' and integrated into the Swiss National Science Foundation as the main funding agency for scientific research in Switzerland. This paper offers a longitudinal analysis of the relationship between the changing nature of funding structures on the one hand and the production and communication of policy-relevant scientific knowledge in the field of HIV on the other hand. Methods The analysis relies on an inventory of all social sciences research projects on HIV in Switzerland that were funded between 1987 and 2010, including topics covered and disciplines involved, as well as financial data. In addition, in-depth interviews were conducted with 18 stakeholders. Results The analysis highlights that the pre-2004 funding policy ensured good coverage of important social science research themes. Specific incentives and explicit promotion of social science research related to HIV gave rise to a multidisciplinary, integrative and health-oriented approach. The abolition of a specific funding policy in 2004 was paralleled by a drastic reduction in the number of social science research projects submitted for funding, and a decline of public money dedicated to such research. Although the public administration in charge of HIV policy still acknowledges the relevance of findings from social sciences for the development of prevention, treatment and care, HIV-related social science research does not flourish under current funding conditions. Conclusions The Swiss experience sheds light on the difficulties of sustaining social science research and multidisciplinary approaches related to HIV without specialized funding agencies. Future funding policy might not necessarily require specialized agencies, but should better take into account research dynamics and motivations in the field of social sciences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Advances in understanding the democratic anchorage of governance networks require carefully designed and contextually grounded empirical analysis that take into account contextual factors. The article uses a conjectural framework to study the impact of the national democratic milieu on the relationship between network governance and representative institutions in four European countries: the United Kingdom, Switzerland, the Netherlands, and Denmark. The article shows that the distinction between majoritarian and consensus democracy as well as the varying strength of voluntary associations are important contextual factors that help explain cross-national differences in the relationship between governance networks and representative institutions. We conclude that a context of weak associationalism in majoritarian democracies facilitates the instrumentalization of networks by government actors (United Kingdom), whereas a more complementary role of governance networks prevails in consensus democracies (Switzerland). However, in consensus democracies characterized by a context of strong associationalism (the Netherlands and Denmark), the spread of governance networks in public policy making is likely to lead to more substantial transformations of the democratic processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family policy development calls for explanations that go beyond the traditional approaches of welfare state analysis. We draw on the concept of policy frame to analyze the politics of family policy reform in Switzerland. More precisely, we consider that family policy development must be explained by a focus on underlying policy frames (distant cause) that organize thought and behavior of policy actors who coalesce to produce majorities in decision-making opportunities (proximate cause) within a given institutional setting (stable over time). Empirically, we analyze recent change in the fields of parental leave, childcare and family allowances. Successful reform in Swiss family policy was driven by coalitions that form around measures of family policy that allow specific combinations of family policy frames. The two patterns of winning coalition that emerge suggest that Swiss family policy is driven by a range of reconfiguring alliances and ambiguous agreements. Switzerland is far from experiencing the emergence of a new, progressive dominant coalition in favor of family policy modernization. Our analysis suggests that the plurality of frames that underlie family policy creates a structural potential for reform, but this potential must be mobilized each time anew. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Public action increasingly takes place in self-organizing networks that are remote from direct governmental control. While these transformations have been subject to scrutiny in regard to their efficiency, less attention has been paid to their democratic quality. This article discusses governance-induced problems of democracy by isolating two major criticisms. Deliberative criticism argues that governance, rather than allowing for true deliberation in the public space, may lead to a loss of accountability. Participatory criticism stresses that governance impinges on participatory venues. The article discusses these criticisms theoretically and empirically, drawing from research on drug policy in Switzerland. The findings show that the criticisms are relevant, albeit not entirely justified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout the 1990s, hierarchical administrative governance structures have been replaced by self-governing networks for various motives, one of which is to improve the authenticity and democratic quality of public decisions. Thus, “new governance” has been praised for its propensity to provide a plurality of civil society organizations with access to the decision process. This article explores these claims based on the case of drug policy in Swiss cities. We show that self-governing networks indeed seem to have increased the involvement of civil society organizations in the policy process. However, we also find evidence that self-governing networks may in the longer run induce state control over civil society organizations, thus ultimately reducing associative pluralism. They do so either by imposing a policy paradigm or by excluding actors who do not comply with the dominant paradigm from the networks. We conclude by arguing that self-organizing networks should not be dismissed, given that former hierarchical bureaucratic approaches to drug-related problems have failed even worse. Rather, their long-term effects should be subject to further examination aimed at developing adequate responses to their shortcomings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last two decades, Swiss drug policy has moved away from a prohibitionist to a 'harm reduction' model. This article uses the advocacy coalition framework (ACF) to understand this process of policy change, drawing on social movement theory to overcome shortcomings of the ACF regarding collective action. We argue that recent history in the field of drug policy in Switzerland can plausibly be presented as a competition between coalitions advocating belief systems regarding problems and policy. The Aids epidemic is considered a crucial noncognitive event helping the harm reduction coalition to overthrow the hegemonic abstinence coalition. Public order issues linked to harm reduction facilities led neighbourhood quality of life advocates to impede the location of such facilities, which, in turn, stimulated policy-oriented learning with harm reduction advocates. The analysis supports the ACF's hypotheses on policy change, but social movement theory provides insights into coalition formation, persistence and strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lake Neuchåtel is a medium sized, hard-water lake, lacking varved sediments, situated in the western Swiss Lowlands at the foot of the Jura Mountains. Stable isotope data (δ18O and δ13C) from both bulk carbonate and ostracode calcite in an 81 cm long, radiocarbon-dated sediment core represent the last 1500 years of Lake Neuchåtel's environmental history. Comparison between this isotopic and other palaeolimnologic data (mineralogical, geochemical, palynological, etc.) helps to differentiate between anthropogenic and natural factors most recently affecting the lake. An increase in lacustrine productivity (450–650AD ca), inferred from the positive trend in δ13C values of bulk carbonate, is related to medieval forest clearances and the associated nutrient budget changes. A negative trend in both the bulk carbonate and ostracode calcite δ18O values between approximately 1300 and 1500AD, is tentatively interpreted as due to a cooling in mean air temperature at the transition from the Medieval Warm Period to the Little Ice Age. Negative trends in bulk carbonate δ18O and δ13C values through the uppermost sediments, which have no equivalent in ostracode calcite isotopic values, are concomitant with the recent onset of eutrophication in the lake. Isotopic disequilibrium during calcite precipitation, probably due to kinetic factors in periods of high productivity is postulated as the mechanism to explain the associated negative isotopic trends, although the effect of a shift of the calcite precipitation towards the warmer months cannot be excluded. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]