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This paper aims to reflect politically and ideologically on the representation of the 2008 crisis and its repercussions on the rural habitat in recent Spanish literary fiction. To this end, it proposes the analysis of five (neo)rural novels, but not before a brief historical-cultural introduction to the post-15M repoliticization process of the novel in Spain, as well as the explanation of the problems surrounding the nomenclatures "rural" and "neo-rural". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Historicas is the property of Universidad de Valladolid, Facultad de Filosofia y Letras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reflects on the importance of raising awareness of human rights in Latin America. The author mentions that outside academic circles and human rights organisations, little is known about human rights, their concept, foundations, history, and protection systems in this part of the world. The author highlights Gregorio Peces-Barba's enlightening, popularising work in the legal and political culture of Spain and abroad and argues that something similar needs to be done in Latin America. The author of this article mentions that in Chile, the human rights issue has recently returned to the forefront in the context of the constituent process and there have been very interesting public debates on fundamental rights, including those of a social nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Methaodos: Social Science Journal / Methaodos: Revista de Ciencias Sociales is the property of Departamento de Ciencias de la Comunicacion y Sociologia, Universidad Rey Juan Carlos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Through a content analysis, this paper explores the features of fake news on Spanish politics registered on the Maldita.es, Newtral, EFE Verifica and Verificat verification platforms between January 1 and March 31, 2022. These messages are spread mainly through Twitter and Facebook, using the text as support. The predominance of the ideological purpose, the high presence of stories of absolute invention, the shared role of anonymous and supplanted sources, the use of the informative style and the preponderance of left-wing formations as the object of hoaxes are also demonstrated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research analyzes the content of 416 fake news items identified during the first half of 2021 by Maldita.es and Newtral.es, from Spain, and Colombiacheck and La Silla Vacía, from Colombia. The results show that the majority of the authors of fake news are anonymous, and that this especially harms the current governments and other public officials. The interests of the promoting actors are political-governmental, political-institutional and reputational. The study also asked about the topics, formats and distribution channels of fake news. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia (07169108) is the property of Universidad de Concepcion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This work2 aims to establish a Gender Policy for the University of Pinar del Río from the perspective of equity, based on theoretical, practical and methodological references from other Higher Education Institutions (HEI). The Equality Plan in fore at the University of Granada, Spain is taken as a reference. It is possible to design a Gender Equality Policy around co-responsibility and female representation in the teaching staff of the University of Pinar del Río (2022-2026). As a novel result, the Gender Observatory stands out, as well as the communicational and educational edges that are promoted to achieve greater representation of women in the university context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of URVIO - Revista Latinoamericana de Seguridad Ciudadana is the property of FLACSO - Ecuador (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In November 2020, the Procedure against disinformation was approved in Spain and it provoked an intense reaction on social networks and in the media about the repercussions it could trigger on freedom of expression. To analyze this case study and to observe the confluence of the concern of society and journalism about the informative disorders, a combined methodological approach was designed. First, a multi-stage sample of more than 35,000 tweets with the hashtag #Ministeriodelaverdad has been selected, from which a quantitative and qualitative analysis has been carried out. Second, a content analysis was carried out in the main media in Spain, both press and television (ABC, El Mundo, El País, El Confidencial, El Independiente, Eldiario.es, LaSexta, Telecinco y RTVE. We found that the hashtag was promoted by conservative and anonymous political accounts which - with a greater degree of polarization - led the debate and fed the echo chamber with opinions and audiovisual contents. In the media, the editorial bias determines the acceptance of this measure and the plurality. Little similarity is found between the political sources represented in the media, mainly belonging to the bipartisanship (PP y PSOE) and experts from different areas, and the network, where among those identified there is a total predominance of liberals and far-right. This paper allows us to observe the changes in the construction of the public sphere that social media are inducing and, in the matter of the fight against informative disorders, reflects on the importance of the information media leading the shaping of public opinion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios de Historia de España is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Universitas, Revista de Ciencias Sociales y Humanas is the property of Universidad Politecnica Salesiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

COVID-19 modified, overnight, the routine of citizens, and therefore that of journalists and communication offices. The great health and social impact of the pandemic has forced public administrations to accept an ongoing crisis management procedure that remains open, which is unprecedented for institutional communication in the 21st century. Political communication professionals have had to innovate in order to maintain the information flow and meet the demands of the population and the organizations they work for at the same time. The purpose of this mixed methods research is to analyse the changes that the administration strategies, techniques and procedures have undergone as a consequence of the coronavirus crisis during its first two years. The frame of reference to do this is the City Council of Malaga, the sixth most populous city in Spain, with the objective of determining the methods and the resources used by the local government in order to maintain the lines of communication active in spite of the confinement and the restrictions posed by the state of alarm declared on March 14th, 2020. Though many of the implemented changes have disappeared with the restoration of physical events and past routines, the tendency to bypass media has prevailed. The centralization of all informations, the organization of telematic media conferences, the fact that almost half of the official communications issued in 2020 by the City Council was related to the health crisis, the commitment to verified social networks as regards to dealing with fake news and the institutional advertising campaigns aimed to raising awareness have been the main resources used by the Malaga city press office, which essential public service as guide has made a great contribution to both the general conversation and the reduction of uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Language & Literary Studies / Folia Linguistica & Litteraria is the property of Journal of Language & Literary Studies / Folia Linguistica & Litteraria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de la Facultad de Derecho y Ciencias Políticas is the property of Revista Faculdad de Derecho y Ciencias Politicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Adicciones is the property of Sociedad Cientifica Espanola de Estudios sobre el Alcohol and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Investigación sobre Flamenco is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this work is to study the news coverage by the main Spanish generalist newspapers on Twitter during the campaign for the Community of Madrid elections in 2021 (n = 2,709). Natural language processing techniques and machine learning algorithms are applied to identify the predominant topic related to the elections and the mentions of candidates and political parties by each media, and to calibrate the emotional value of the messages published by El país, El mundo, Eldiario.es, and El confidencial. Among other findings, the results reveal how the media coverage focused mainly on campaign events and electoral debates. Despite the detection of minor differences between the newspapers, a general pattern emerges through this content, with a notable dominance of Isabel Díaz Ayuso but little influence of Rocío Monasterio as the lead candidates for their party. The sentiment analysis reveals the political alignment of each newspaper, using mainly negative messages with the aim of reducing the importance of a candidate or political party. While El país and Eldiario.es focused their criticism on Vox and the Partido Popular, El mundo and El confidencial criticized the actions of the national government, the PSOE's proposal to join forces with Unidas Podemos, and Vox's position, as well as emphasizing the disaster faced by Ciudadanos. It can be deduced that the media contributed to Ayuso's success and to the consolidation of her image as an individual distinct from her own party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how the interaction between El Camino de Santiago and a late medieval re-enactment in the Castilian village of Hospital del Órbigo motivates a new and promising touristic panorama in current and future Spain. While massive tourism to the Mediterranean coast was a productive tool for the regeneration of the country during Francoism, El Camino de Santiago and its discursive power resulted in the proliferation of lesser-known cultural practices that simultaneously enabled a space to refashion autonomic-local identities. The annual celebration of the legacy of the medieval knight Suero de Quiñones nurtures a neomedieval spectacle in this Leonese region: a look at historical memory and a congregation of multiple postmodern medieval remediations. Ultimately, these neomedieval spectacles in Spain are a valuable instrument to recuperate regional-territorial sentiments within national borders that have been historically neglected, particularly during the Francoist era, yet in present times embodied in the incidence of political conservatism and the emergence of ultra-authoritarian legislators. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

I analyse the concept of Anti-Gypsyism, its political discursive use and the dialectic produced and championed by people and/or entities self-designated as political activist Roma. The concept of Anti-Gypsyism is present in the new version of the struggles and demands of Roma people, inside and outside Spain. The term appears in scientific articles, in the media and in statements from both specific people and public and private entities and institutions. And, in all of them, without exception, it is presented as the battering ram used to rename the cause that justi - fies and maintains the resistance of Roma people against those who are not, generating the political discourse of anti-Antigypsyism that leads me to conclude about its potentiality to influence political action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudos Ibero-Americanos is the property of EDIPUCRS - Editora Universitaria da PUCRS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mediterranean Journal of Communication / Revista Mediterránea de Comunicación is the property of Revista Mediterranea de Comunicacion / Mediterranean Journal of Communication and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of IC: Revista Científica de Información y Comunicación is the property of Universidad de Sevilla, Departamento de Periodismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociedad e Infancias is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: Since December 2019, when talk began in Spain about the coronavirus that was affecting China, rumors and vague news populated the world. When the disease reached Europe, the proliferation of information multiplied. Since the State of Alert was decreed, hoaxes and fake news have been a constant, which has been reflected in media reports. Methodology: This paper analyses the information published in the Spanish press about fake news related to politics, the controversial declarations of the Chief of Staff of the Guardia Civil and social networks; to know the volume of news and the treatment that the media has given to them. A mixed, qualitative/quantitative methodology has been used with the support of the MAXQDA 2020 tool. Results: After the analysis of 229 texts, it can be stated that the topic of which most information has been published about politics (48.47%), followed by social networks (28.8%) and the controversial statements of the Chief of Staff of the Guardia Civil (22.7%); although at all times the political debate has been present in the information. Discussion: This work opens a line of investigation on whether the spread of harmful information can be limited in a pandemic or whether freedom of expression is above it. Conclusions: The media on the ideological right have published more information with greater political content (73.87%), compared to the left-wing media with only 26.13%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the information coverage by the Spanish newspapers El país, El mundo, ABC, and La vanguardia in Twitter on the electoral campaign prior to the 10 November 2019 general elections. A content analysis of all tweets published by these media regarding the elections (n = 1,462) between Friday 1 and Saturday 9 November reveals that, although there are differences in the production patterns and features of the messages, the subject received notable attention in all the newspapers. The coverage gravitated around two main themes: the 4N electoral debate, and campaign events. The results reveal that, although most of the tweets had a neutral tone, messages with clear positioning corresponding to the editorial line of the newspaper were also published, albeit to a lesser extent. During the electoral period, the media agenda revolved around this issue, accounting for around one-fifth of all pieces published on Twitter. Newspapers do not take advantage of the dialogic nature or possibilities offered by this social network to create a community among their readers, limiting themselves to the dissemination of content from their digital edition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Introduction: This paper analyses the pressures that journalism has exerted or attempted to exert from politics. Methodology: The study uses a combination of qualitative methodologies, such as focus groups discussion, and quantitative ones, such as surveys of journalists; both methodologies allows to know how politics influence journalists and how it can limit media instruments of accountability. Results: this study presents the results of an investigation that shows that journalists and citizens share the perception that political influence is one of the main assumptions that affect the development of good journalism. Discussion/conclusion: Although journalists recognize political and government pressures, the study concludes that they do not give in or feel responsible to political parties or governments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Television debates during electoral campaigns constitute a central element within the political communication sphere. This research examines the digital conversation on Twitter on the broadcast of two television debates during the general elections campaign in Spain in April 2019: #ElDebateDecisivo of Atresmedia (among male presidential candidates) and #L6Neldebate of La Sexta (among female political candidates). The research provides a renovated perspective regarding the progressive feminisation of politics, establishing a correlation among key variables, such as the gender of the political leaders participating in the debates, the role of television as the main means during elections, and the influence of the public interaction on Twitter. Methodologically, the study pays attention to 313,343 impacts generated by 101,510 users or nodes. As pointed out in the conclusions, in the masculine debate (#ElDebateDecisivo) the active audience's contribution to the public and political debate is defined in a more banal way, in contrast with the women's debate (#L6Neldebate), in which a more political consciousness is perceived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Ciencias Sociales Interdisciplinares is the property of Common Ground Research Networks and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of CIRCULO de Linguistica Aplicada a la Comunicacion is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

CEO's political activism is understood as the participation in current controversial issues, when these are not directly related to the general management or economic aspects of the firm. This study analyzes the public interventions of the presidents of 18 Spanish reference companies through the collection of public information (n = 1,952). Such information is published at their virtual press room to identify political, social or environmental issues in presidents' speeches. It is concluded that CEO activism is a challenge for organizational communication that has not yet exploited the managerial ability to intervene in issues outside the market. Climate change appears as the most attractive lever for public discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IC: Revista Científica de Información y Comunicación is the property of Universidad de Sevilla, Departamento de Periodismo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Mirai. Estudios Japoneses is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article argues that El tren de la memoria, through its emphasis on female witnesses, confronts and "works through" personal and collective memories of Spanish economic migration to West Germany during the Franco regime. El tren de la memoria functions as a mode of witnessing, and mediates between subjective and collective experiences of the migration. The documentary invites us to re-assess the cinematic archive and to rethink the historical past, so we can foreground the political ontology of the documentary image in terms of its historiographical function. I depart from an exclusive sociological focus in order to explore how the migratory is articulated in, and transmitted through, the documentary form. In addition, I ask whether El tren de la memoria enables us to reflect on whether elements of past totalitarian violence could still seep into the sovereign power of capitalist democracies. While El tren de la memoria may seem to be essentially an historical documentary, this article argues that it is far more; it demands a rethinking of migrant subjectivity, which reveals an irreducible alterity always already constitutive of the self. Thus the documentary does not simply reflect reality, but contributes to the imagination or transformation of reality and its structures of discrimination and exclusion of migrants. El tren de la memoria encourages us to imagine a community based on singularities, which share a world inhabited by plurality, a community in which our relation to alterity is based on our common finitude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Hipogrifo: revista de literatura y cultura del siglo de oro is the property of Hipogrifo: revista de literatura y cultura del siglo de oro and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Over the past decades, police forces have evolved significantly as a result of the structural changes that have taken place in democratic societies. The growing delegitimization of representative political institutions; the empowerment of citizens; the crisis of the welfare state and the consequences of socioeconomic globalization have shaped a scenario in which a classic institution, such as the police, is struggling to relocate itself in an ambiguous space. This is leading to its overlap with other institutional actors and some glimpse of an identity crisis. The aim of this article is to investigate the challenges that Spanish police forces are facing as political actors, in this context. In this scenario, a complex structure of interactions between the police forces, political-institutional decision-makers and various social actors is built. We define the profiles of such interaction in a variable geometry framework which is highly systemic and prone to stability. In this system of relationships, security forces face a structural bewilderment derived from their confused and weakened position caused by the hegemonic pressure put by: (1) empowered social actors; (2) demanding and increasingly delegitimized political decision-makers; and (3) increasingly sophisticated, complex and powerful professional challenges. The perspective of analysis is institutionalist, as it is assumed that the police institution conditions actors' perceptions and interests, but these gain enough relevance and determination to influence an uncertain future scenario. The methodology is qualitative, and it is based on chief police officers' testimonies, whose speeches are interpreted in the light of previous relevant academic contributions. This research was founded by the Spanish National Science Program 2012-14. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 15th, of May Spain's political scenary changed forever. From a mobilization a movement was created that shook the institutional structures and questioned Spanish democracy. Its success does not come from its permanency or movilizing capacity, but from the novelty and complexity of its organization and from the deep democratic roots upon which the process sustained itself. The comprehension of why starting with this initiative an organization is born that shakes traditional politics and of which mechanisms facilitated its emerging, requires the tools that are given by the Sciences of Coomplexity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Politica: Ideas, Procesos y Movimientos Sociales is the property of Departamento De Historia del Pensamiento y de los Moviemientos Sociales y Politicos (Madrid) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Doxa Comunicación is the property of Fundacion Universitaria San Pablo - CEU and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Study of Mentir y mudarse a un tiempo, an almost unknown play by Diego and José de Figueroa y Córdoba, Spanish Golden Age playwrights. This play was written to be staged at the Buen Retiro palace (1658), in the presence of Felipe IV and his court; in fact, there are a lot of topical references in the text of the play (battles, political events…). Moreover, Mentir y mudarse a un tiempo is affected of some problems of textual criticism (there are big differences between the copies) and irregularities in the process of censorship by the prosecutor Juan Navarro Espinosa. lt is preserved in an autograph manuscript (BNE), although with several other hands taking part in the text (scenic shortcuts, addenda, some mistakes in the licenses). Finally, there are doubts concerning the dates of its staging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intense acceptance of information technologies by political representatives over the last decades has opened new communication routes between politicians and society. Citizens do have now permanent channels to maintain a continued interaction. This is an exploratory and experimental research. The article is aimed at analyzing MPs' attitude when interacting with citizens via email. It intends to define, by applying a quantitative and qualitative methodology, if it does exist any interest in politicians to listen to and set a permanent dialogue with citizens. Results indicate fair limitations in that attitude, visible in a small number of representatives within the Spanish Parliament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of IBEROAMERICANA. América Latina - España - Portugal is the property of Vervuert Verlag and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)