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Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research deals with the editorial positioning of 15 Spanish and Portuguese newspapers and magazines on Marcelo Caetano's official visit to Spain in 1970. The editorials and opinion articles are analysed using a quantitative, qualitative and comparative methodology. We identify different ideological orientations. The paper concludes that the official newspapers and some moderate ones were triumphalist in the opinions expressed; few opinions distanced themselves from the official political slogans; and the opposition press oscillated between keeping silent and expressing reservations about both regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aimed to analyse the social representations of the Spanish Civil War and the dictatorship among young people from different autonomous communities in Spain. A free-association exercise elicited by the words 'Civil War' and 'Francoism' was completed by 477 university students of the Basque Country, Catalonia, Galicia and Madrid. Participants were also asked about their national identity and ideological orientation. Lexical analysis was used to analyse their responses, and the results revealed that there is no shared narrative among participants. The results show that most of the discourses constructed for these times go hand in hand with the discourses of the current political parties in Spain, which seek to satisfy the basic needs of the groups and justify their decisions and goals. However, the intergenerational voice also appears in the results showing alternatives to the political and hegemonic narratives of the state. This has significant implications for future research and memory policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Impossibilia: Revista Internacional de Estudios Literarios is the property of Impossibilia: Revista Internacional de Estudios Literarios and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objective/Context: This paper aims to analyze the vast, varied and lasting presence of the little-known revolutionary rhetoric exploited by Francisco Franco throughout the dictatorship in Spain. To this end, this rhetoric is connected with the different contexts in which it was used and with the terminology employed in those same years by thinkers or politicians linked above all to the Falange. Methodology: As this article is interested in the public discourse of Franco's regime, it has examined in detail and qualitatively the content of Franco's public speeches. For this purpose, we have resorted to the official compilations made under Franco's regime and, because of their selective and incomplete nature, also to newspaper sources. Thus, more than a history of intellectual or political ideas, this work is linked to their public and pragmatic dimension and delves into the complex practical functioning of ideologies. Originality: With few exceptions, Franco's rhetoric has not been studied in detail, and even less in the revolutionary rhetoric. The originality of this study lies in the fact that it is the first specific and analytical approach, although not quantitative, to Franco's revolutionary rhetoric. For example, it explains its unknown survival until the 1960s and even the 1970s, so that it outlived the so-called defalangization of Francoism. Conclusions: Franco's revolutionary rhetoric was characterized by great flexibility and imprecision. It underwent many changes over the years and coexisted with other central discursive frameworks, such as the Cruzada's. It was a crucial factor in the discursive legitimization of Francoism, especially in its initial years. Compared to the Cruzada, with which it complemented, it stood out for its elasticity and pretended transversality. In addition, it was connected with a legitimacy of exercise, not of origin, which was, in fact, more easily connected with the present and the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article titled "Sport as a state tool to strengthen the image of Francoism: Politics in sports during the early Franco regime (1941-1948)" analyzes how General Franco used sports as a tool to legitimize his political regime during the period from 1941 to 1948. Sports became a way to mobilize and unite a fractured society after the Spanish Civil War and Spain's international isolation. The article also examines the role of sports in foreign policy, the role of women in sports, and the relationship between sports and national identity. Additionally, it analyzes Spain's participation in the 1948 London Olympics. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho UNED is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How does lawmaking work in personalist dictatorships? Assuming that legislative institutions established within power-sharing arrangements become costly for dictators to ignore and are consequently likely to affect lawmaking processes and outcomes, we argue that while legislatures in personalist dictatorships may approve most government initiatives, they can affect lawmaking via amendments, which signal factional disagreement and may prompt dictators to kill their own bills. We test this argument by analysing the performance of the Cortes under Franco's regime in Spain. We find that while its members intervened only in a share of the legislative agenda, and rarely rejected government bills, they still introduced many consequential amendments that reduced the likelihood of bill enactment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos Republicanos is the property of Centro de Investigaciones de Estudios Republicanos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of On the W@terfront is the property of University of Barcelona, Centre de Recerca POLIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Dynamis is the property of Dynamis - Facultad de Medicina de la Universidad de Granada and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El objetivo de este artículo es analizar las cartas que las escritoras Concha Méndez (1898–1986), Marina Romero (1908–2001) y Julia Uceda (1925–) sostuvieron con Concha Lagos, cuando esta dirigía desde Madrid la revista Cuadernos de Ágora (1956–1964) y la colección de libros Ágora (1955–1973). Las cartas estudiadas pertenecen al "Archivo Personal Concha Lagos" alojado en la Biblioteca Nacional de España. El estudio de estas cartas persigue, por un lado, reflexionar acerca de las similitudes y diferencias de tres formas de diáspora causadas por la guerra civil española: (1) el exilio republicano; (2) la permanencia en el extranjero de españoles que vivían fuera de España de forma temporal antes de la guerra; (3) el exilio voluntario de la generación de los niños de la guerra provocado por las restricciones ideológicas de la dictadura franquista. Por otro lado, esta correspondencia permite el análisis del impacto de la guerra en la trayectoria literaria y en la identidad como mujeres autoras de estas escritoras. Finalmente, este grupo de cartas posibilita profundizar en el puente que las escritoras en el exilio sostienen con Concha Lagos y la función que esta última desempeña como mediadora cultural posibilitando la publicación, difusión y promoción de las escritoras en el exilio en la España franquista. Junto a la correspondencia, esta investigación utilizará otros materiales como memorias o textos literarios de índole autobiográfica que sirvan para reconstruir el puente que las escritoras en el exilio forjaron con la editora Lagos durante los años de la Dictadura. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Human Review is the property of Eagora Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of On the W@terfront is the property of University of Barcelona, Centre de Recerca POLIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article seeks to explain why, at the end of the 1960s, a sector of the Spanish youth tried to establish countercultural communes similar to those that had already been founded in other Western countries, such as the United States, the United Kingdom, Germany, and the Netherlands. Various sources (fanzines, press, scientific literature of the time, interviews, and secondary bibliography) are examined in order to understand the ways in which these practices entered the Spain of «Desarrollismo», as well as the reasons that led their protagonists to diagnose that there was a disorder in the world that could be solved through community life. It is concluded that the communes were presented as an alternative to the family in a context in which this was considered to be the social institution that played the most decisive role in determining the behavior of individuals. The communards were convinced that, by finding an alternative to the family, they would be able to initiate the construction of new social relations that would be in harmony with human nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the most critical historiographical contributions related to the theme of "Franco and the Holocaust". Inevitably, choosing implies exclusion; thus, this brief state of the question opts for the most outstanding works or those which have sparked controversy within this academic field, placed halfway between two great widely covered themes: Holocaust studies and Francoism. After analysing the most relevant works, it can be concluded that certain myths that originated during the dictatorship still survive in Spain and that the Holocaust continues to occupy a secondary space in national historical research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anales de Historia del Arte is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Materiales para la Historia del Deporte is the property of Polytechnic University of Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arenal.Revista de Historia de las Mujeres is the property of Arenal. Revista de Historia de las Mujeres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of TST - Transportes, Servicios y Telecomunicaciones is the property of Asociacion Iberica de Historia Ferroviaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines how the Vagrancy Act of 1933 in Spain was used as a means of social control of those living in so-called "degenerat" poverty, which came about due to older historical antecedents as well as causes more contemporary to Francoism's early stages. The article takes an empirical approach to the different ways in which this control was practised during this period of Franco's dictatorship, from the law itself to the reality on the streets. This includes looking at documents created by the legal representatives and institutions who took part in indicting those accused by the Act, as well as the sociopolitical context in which these documents were conceived. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia y Sociedad (01218417) is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios de Historia de España is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica Argentina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The nefarious nexus of patriarchy and nationalism that characterized Francoist Spain (1939–75) made sexualized violence inflicted on the state's female prisoners an immanently political act. Focusing on En el infierno: Ser mujer en las cárceles de España (1977), the prison memoir of the communist and feminist activist Lidia Falcón, this article draws on theories of trauma, victimhood and memory to interrogate how Falcón navigates questions of (self-)representation and agency through the portrayal of rape and sexualized violence in Franco's women's prisons. Rape, for Falcón, is a multifaceted act that violates both the female body and the collective body politic, while the various manifestations of abuse – 'las modalidades de violación' – reify sexual and political dominance. By speaking on behalf of the female prison population, Falcón utilizes the collective voice so as to presuppose a collective victimhood that fosters solidarity amongst women and resists subjugation by the masculinist state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Until 1973 Spain refused to have political relations with the GDR because of the Franco regime's anti-communism and its support for the West German Hallstein Doctrine. The GDR did not want relations with Spain either, as the former struggle of the International Brigades legitimised the East German regime and its ruling party (SED) supported the PCE's anti-Franco struggle. However, in 1973 the GDR became the first socialist country to exchange embassies with Spain, which - with the exception of China - did not happen again until 1977. This article attempts to explain why through documentary, newspaper and bibliographical sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1962, Spain sought entry into the EEC, in this context, the Spanish health authorities promoted the National Plan for the Eradication of Tuberculosis (PNET) between 1965 and 1972, according to the massive campaign model that had triumphed in Europe, in a sociopolitical context modulated by propaganda, the need to open the regime and the search for international recognition. The main objective of this study is to analyze the approaches, strategies and final assessment of the PNET. Although the campaign achieved approximately 5 million immunizations throughout Spain, the results of the Plan were controversial until its final conclusion, in 1972. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Basque Country, during the post-war period, an unequal combat between two opposing memories of the Civil Spanish War began: the official Franquista memory and the clandestine nationalist memory. This article studies the elaboration and transmission process of this clandestine memory formulated by the Basque nationalist community between 1937 and 1960. We analyzed which were the elements of the nationalist account and identified the main agents that made its spread possible. For this, we studied a wide range of documental sources: speeches of the political authorities in exile, writings of the Basque clergy, testimonials from veterans, nationalist press, literary works and historiographic works. The article concludes that by 1960, the battle between the official Franquista memory and the nationalist clandestine memory was resolved in favor of the latter. The patriotic and epic narrative of the warlike past elaborated by the nationalist community was assumed by the new nationalist generations socialized in the post-war era. This situation contrasts with what happened around Spain, where the defeated did not manage to spread an alternative unitary memory to the narration of the crusade and the new generations tended to repudiate the memory of the Civil War, monopolized by the Franquista regime. This particular memory of the war which was rooted in the political culture of Basque nationalism was one of the factors that explained the singular historical evolution of the Basque Country during the late Franquismo and the transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia de la Educacion is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia de la Educacion is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista História da Educação is the property of Historia da Educacao and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arenal.Revista de Historia de las Mujeres is the property of Arenal. Revista de Historia de las Mujeres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Imafronte. Revista de Historia del Arte is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de la Asociacion Aragonesa de Criticos de Arte is the property of Asociacion Aragonesa de Criticos de Arte and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article traces the constant struggle for control over representation between gay people and Francoist state agents. Gay narrations of self did not always involve a negation of Catholic dogma, which was often reinterpreted and incorporated into articulate defenses of homoeroticism. Moreover, transnational networks built on the basis of an insider critique of the Catholic hierarchy's stance on same-sex desires preceded the formation of gay liberation fronts by decades. These networks connected Spanish and Latin American queer communities by virtue of the former's reliance on the latter's access to the publishing and entertainment industries, given the stringent censorship imposed by the Franco regime in Spain. This article focuses on judicial transcripts, photographs, personal correspondence and literary and oral sources to explore how shifting cultural ideals and lived experiences informed each other. Thus, I argue that the discrepancy between the state-enforced view of homosexuality as a set of purely physical ("putrefied") practices leading males to cave to their lowest predatory instincts and people's erotic and affective lived experiences reveals how queer communities were able to articulate dissident discourses at the interstices of homophobic institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Arenal.Revista de Historia de las Mujeres is the property of Arenal. Revista de Historia de las Mujeres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The historiography about the Spanish Transition to Democracy is one of the most prolific in terms of the number of recent works and publications. This article will offer an overview of the treatment that, specifically, the collective memory of the Transition has received the main interpretive approaches to it. Subsequently, a possible interpretative proposal will be offered from the introduction of the concept of nostalgias prestadas, to treat a historical process which memory and symbolic spaces has a great relevance and influence in the current history of Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study analyzes the press of the Spanish city of Gijón during the Spanish Civil War period, between July 1936 and April 1939. The outbreak of the conflict triggered the immediate confiscation of the three major broadsheets of the town and started a process of emergence of new newspapers, first republicans –and after the fall of the city to the rebels in October 1937– then Francoists. All these publications shared a new principal function, sustaining morale on the front and the rear. This decisively determined its contents and configured a press constituted by the war and for the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

1976 was an essential year for the transition to democracy in Spain. It began with the death of the dictator Franco, in November 1975, and ended in January 1977 with the murder of the lawyers of Atocha. However, the determining element were the impressive social and labor struggles that took place throughout the year. The regional Francoist positions that were most directly involved were the civil governors and the provincial delegates of the Spanish Trade Union Organization. In their internal reports, they recorded the rise of conflict led by the working class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Pedagogía Social is the property of Pedagogia Social and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of TST - Transportes, Servicios y Telecomunicaciones is the property of Asociacion Iberica de Historia Ferroviaria and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Canadiense de Estudios Hispánicos is the property of Asociacion Canadiense de Hispanistas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Humanisticos. Filologia is the property of Universidad de Leon, Area de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The transformations in Spain from the 1960s onwards in relation to communication resulted in a new legislation that allowed a certain liberalization to try to legitimize the Franco regime. Despite the information repression, some media outlets (especially magazines) became channels for the dissemination of democratic ideas and spaces for debate. In addition, the lack of consolidation in the socialization of the values of the '18 of July' in the first stages of the dictatorship led to a more successful technocratic socialization to favour the depoliticization and demobilization of Spanish society. The interpretations on how this communication pseudo-space was decisive, during the last years of the Franco regime, for the formation of public opinion in democratic Spain have not taken into account a significant factor that allows overcoming the opposition between the emergence of civil society and the persistence of some values from Francoism. This factor is the enormous disparity in culture and media consumption, with its reflection in education and, more generally, in economic inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main target of this article is to explain the leading features of the gender discourse, built both by the intellectuals such as by the conservatives, traditionalists and confessional Spanish political cultures, during the first three decades of the twentieth century. This mentioned discourse was inserted in the profound political, social and cultural changes that were in course of implantation those years, both in Spain and in the countries of their geographical environment. With that discourse a wide range of liberal, anti-liberal, Catholics or traditionalist thinkers and politicians were seeking answers to the unrest which the movements and social practices perceived as threats to the virile superiority, or to the validity of the manliness values, produced to all them. Both the Spanish conservatives as the Rights in general showed clear affinities in their efforts toward the discursive construction of women. The main theorists of the traditionalism, the monarchism and the fascism created a gender discourse and a symbolic reconstruction of the values of masculinity and femininity that were forged in the reactionary and anti-liberal ideologies of the nineteenth century, as in the new currents of illiberal thought that emerged from the beginnings of the XXth. In the following years, the above mentioned gender discourse would be assimilated by the Franco's dictatorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to present a mainly descriptive balance of two digital projects dedicated to the memory and history of women incarcerated during Francoism in Spain, the only ones existing with respect to female prisons: the Barcelona prison of Les Corts (1939-1955) and the female prison of Ventas in Madrid (1933-1969). In both cases, historical studies have gone hand in hand with memory, through interviews and testimonials of the inmates and their families, present in the respective digital projects in the form of audios and audiovisual elements. Besides, in both cases, there is social participation through amanuensis associations, neighborhood collectives, and relatives of the inmates which has played a decisive role in a slow-moving social task against forgetfulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]