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Copyright of Scripta is the property of Scripta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of On the W@terfront is the property of University of Barcelona, Centre de Recerca POLIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of On the W@terfront is the property of University of Barcelona, Centre de Recerca POLIS and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the Basque Country, during the post-war period, an unequal combat between two opposing memories of the Civil Spanish War began: the official Franquista memory and the clandestine nationalist memory. This article studies the elaboration and transmission process of this clandestine memory formulated by the Basque nationalist community between 1937 and 1960. We analyzed which were the elements of the nationalist account and identified the main agents that made its spread possible. For this, we studied a wide range of documental sources: speeches of the political authorities in exile, writings of the Basque clergy, testimonials from veterans, nationalist press, literary works and historiographic works. The article concludes that by 1960, the battle between the official Franquista memory and the nationalist clandestine memory was resolved in favor of the latter. The patriotic and epic narrative of the warlike past elaborated by the nationalist community was assumed by the new nationalist generations socialized in the post-war era. This situation contrasts with what happened around Spain, where the defeated did not manage to spread an alternative unitary memory to the narration of the crusade and the new generations tended to repudiate the memory of the Civil War, monopolized by the Franquista regime. This particular memory of the war which was rooted in the political culture of Basque nationalism was one of the factors that explained the singular historical evolution of the Basque Country during the late Franquismo and the transition to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Catalana de Dret Públic is the property of Revista Catalana de Dret Public and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The objective of this article is to present a mainly descriptive balance of two digital projects dedicated to the memory and history of women incarcerated during Francoism in Spain, the only ones existing with respect to female prisons: the Barcelona prison of Les Corts (1939-1955) and the female prison of Ventas in Madrid (1933-1969). In both cases, historical studies have gone hand in hand with memory, through interviews and testimonials of the inmates and their families, present in the respective digital projects in the form of audios and audiovisual elements. Besides, in both cases, there is social participation through amanuensis associations, neighborhood collectives, and relatives of the inmates which has played a decisive role in a slow-moving social task against forgetfulness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista En-Contexto is the property of Tecnologico de Antioquia, Institucion Universitari and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this study is to compare how the Catholic Church’s involvement in politics under authoritarian rule in Spain and Poland impacted on religiosity in those countries after the transition to democracy. The Catholic Church was a key political actor during the Franco regime in Spain and communist rule in Poland. However, the nature of its political involvement in each case was quite different: while in Spain the Catholic Church legitimized the Franco regime, in Poland it was one of the main actors opposing communist rule. The authors use data from the Polish General Social Survey covering 1991–2008 and several surveys carried out by the Spanish Centre for Sociological Studies (CIS) between 1975 and 1995. Results confirm that the political involvement of the Catholic Church had different impacts on subsequent religious practice in each country. In Spain secularization was especially intense during the political transition in the late 1970s, while in Poland after the 1990s there was only a moderate shift toward secularization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Bordón: Journal of Education / Revista de Pedagogía is the property of Sociedad Espanola de Pedagogia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After World War II, Franquist Spain crossed one of the hardest periods of its history. Alone, in front of a bleeding and a trying-to-recover continent, it decided to get closer to Latin America. Its "preferred daughter", Cuba, was one of the first countries to get into the Spanish Administration game. The creation of the Cuban-Spanish Cultural Institute, on July 1948, and the permanent support from some intellectual creoles, confirmed the Antilles Greater Island's loyal backing to the new Imperial designs of "El Caudillo". Thus, Latin America was strongly reborn within the foreign politics tangential points, along with the cultural image starting to implement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]