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Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The journalist's professional secrecy in Spain finds its welcome in the 1978 Constitution. In this matter, as in many others, the Spanish situation must be compared with that of countries in our geographical-political environment. Carrying out an analysis of the realities in this matter offers us a common denominator, which is that Spain is not the only country in which the legislative development of professional secrecy is not very explicit. To understand this situation, it is convenient to focus on what the Constitution establishes to assess its content and the limits it offers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho UNED is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Democratic representation appears to be under increasing pressure in many well-established democracies, such as Greece and Spain. Chile also follows this trend, but there are some differences that make the Chilean case distinctive, and Chile is broadly one of the most cohesive democracies in Latin America with an economic performance Strong, however, citizens have demonstrated decreasing levels of satisfaction with democracy and representative institutions, and turn to protest and social mobilization to express their discontent. The paradox that Chile faces today is the mismatch between the attitudes of voters and the overall performance of the system. In explaining this intriguing conundrum, Most of the policy studies emphasized the legacy of institutions inherited from military rule, and despite the existence of institutions, they are not suited to the challenges facing the political system. Chile became independent from Spanish colonial rule since 1818 and has witnessed many changes in government since then, and the first rule By the Supreme Director, the country plunged into political turmoil in 1823, and conservatives controlled the country from 1830 to 1861, establishing An authoritarian republican government created the Chilean Constitution of 1833. Ultimately, the liberals rebelled and took control from 1861 to 1891, continuing to rule under the 1833 constitution, and from 1891 to 1925 the constitution was amended to give the president more power. In response to a failing economy, the coup The successful military in 1973 brought Chile into a military regime until 1990, when the citizens voted not to allow the military leader to carry out another term, a new president and Congress were elected, and the country transitioned to a representative democratic republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista del CLAD Reforma y Democracia is the property of Centro Latinoamericano de Administracion para el Desarrollo (CLAD) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Española de Derecho Constitucional is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Española de Derecho Constitucional is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyzes the main symbols of democracy in Spain from the beginning of the 20th century up today. In order to determine the various agencies (people, dates, places...) by means of which the democratic symbolism was permeating the collective imaginary at different times, a wide variety of sources used to capture, disseminate and give visibility to those symbols (stamps, postcards, posters, press, documentaries ...) are reviewed. This work also pays attention to the ways in which these symbols were instrumentalized in the service of different interests, sensitivities or ideologies as well as the amendments to them and their different reformulations and resignifications. This approach is presented as one transferable to the study of other symbols at other times and places. A growing use and abuse of democracy as it became an unwavering believe of world politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Language & Law / Revista de Llengua i Dret is the property of Revista de Llengua i Dret and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Miscelanea Comillas is the property of Universidad Pontificia Comillas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Our discussion focuses on the most relevant problems and vicissitudes of Spain's present system of government. Specifically, it addresses the implementation of electoral parity criteria, as well as the legislative trajectory regulating political party financing in Spain. The introduction of gender quotas for electoral candidates has not been free of difficulties, but has been favorably resolved in the jurisprudence of the Constitutional Court. Concerning the financing system of political groups, Spanish legislators are increasingly imposing greater restrictions to control political corruption that originates in the irregular practices that afflict most contemporary democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In our study we analyzed the evolution of political rights in Spain and Romania. The constitutional evolution of women's political rights regulation is similar. Beyond the political discourse, concrete legislative measures are needed to genuinely have the equality of chances between men and women. The battle for a better representation of women continues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Spanish Constitution, like other European constitutions, needs to undertake a reform that gives citizens back control over their social rights. Older people are one of the vulnerable groups most affected by the increasing inefficiency of the social constitution. This social inefficiency contaminates the protection of the rest of constitutional rights. It Is necessary to give visibility to the elderly in the Spanish Constitution. A constitutional reform must Incorporate the collective interest for the effective protection of the rights of the elderly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the political consequences of austerity politics in Spain. It argues that the economic-cum-political crisis in Spain has brought to the surface underlying structural weaknesses of its constitutional edifice accumulated over the past decades. The article sketches the parameters of the current crisis, and provides an account of the dynamic process of crisis and breakdown of Spain’s ‘constitutional regime.’ It focuses on two inter-related institutional arenas of this regime: the party system, and the territorial model of governance (the so-calledEstado de las Autonomías). It analyses developments in both of these arenas, and assesses the emergent opportunities for transition to a new constitutional regime (or regimes), as well as the prospects and policy avenues open for re-equilibration. It gives an account of the transition away from two-party politics, and of the rise of new parties such asPodemosandCiudadanos. It pays special attention to recent events in Catalonia. It argues that the Catalan authorities’ defection from loyalty to the constitutional order was triggered in part by the dynamics of austerity, and that it has rendered the country’s constitutional edifice – but not the austerity regime – susceptible to collapse. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Studia Historica. Historia Contemporánea is the property of Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios de Derecho is the property of Estudios de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Party regulation in new democracies in general, and in the Spanish political system in particular, has not been a matter of concern until very recently. In order to fill this gap, this article explores the way political parties have been regulated not only in the Constitution, but also in the main laws regulating party foundation, organisation, dissolution and, not least, funding: namely, the 1978 and 2002 Political Party Laws as well as the 1985 and 2007 Party Funding Laws. The empirical part explores the impact such regulation has had on the Spanish party system as well as on the life of its party organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the representation of moral theology and Spanish historiography in late 16th century work entitled "Epítome de la genealogía dels comtes de Barcelona," by an unknown author. The author comments on the idea of self-liberation proposed in the philosophy of Jesuit Pere Gil and influenced by Aristotle. He also considers the possible authorship of the book, including by Francesc Calça.

This article discusses the history and development of the Secretaría del Despacho (Kingdom's Government Office Bureau) by Article 222 of the Constitución de Cádiz (Cádiz Constitution) of 1812. The author comments on the role and importance of this Spanish governmental department in the Iberian Peninsula region and describes its evolution since its inception in the early 19th century. A document written by government official José Señán proposing the creation of this office at the time is also reprinted.

This article discusses the political change that took place in Spain in 1814, also known as the Restoration, in which Ferdinand VII was installed as king. The author comments on the reporting of the return of an absolutist monarchy in Spain in the American press, which reacted negatively to the change. She also provides a comparative analysis of reaction to the change in both American and Spanish newspapers. The influence of the 1812 enactment of the Constitution of Cadiz on the political change is also examined.

This stud y provides a review of the division of powers established by the Spanish Constitution between the State and the Autonomous Communities, which has caused a dramatic increase in regional legislation. Improvement is proposed through the amendment of the Statute of Autonomy and content critical of the proposed federal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years the debate on territorial organization of political power in Spain has become particularly intense. The failure of the political process of reform of the Statute of Autonomy of Catalonia and the current debate over the right to decide, or the problems associated with the Basque context, raise many questions about the future. This paper attempts to relate some concepts of contemporary political theory with that scenario, focusing on issues such as constitutional recognition of the right of secession or proposals for multinational federalism. To do this, we review different theoretical approaches to the phenomenon of multinationality and present some considerations on the possible reform and/or reinterpretation of Spanish law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the political process involved in the election of members of the Cortes de Cádiz (Courts of Cadiz) in Spain, with a particular focus on the period from 1810-1813. The author comments on the representatives elected from the region of Catalonia to the Cortes and describes their absolutist ideologies and social standings. He also consults various historical documents, such as the "Diccionario Biográfico de los Parlamentarios Españoles" and the Parliamentary Archives, and offers a prosopographic analysis of these Catalan politicians and the elections themselves.

The article intends to review the discussions on education in three moments of the Spanish constitutional history: 1812, 1931, and 1978. Based on the analysis of the records of the parliamentary debates in each constitutional process, it comes to the conclusion that in 1812, and in 1978, a consensus was attained by the main political forces present in Parliament, whereas in 1931 a very important sector of Parliament, and of Spanish society (roman catholic) was excluded from the main decisions regarding education. Anyway, it must be remembered the importance of these debates in the different constitutional processes, even if the discussions sometimes appear as being not very deep. The main conclusion is that solutions adopted by the consensual method have been more durable than those imposed, and the lesson which was learned in 1978 is that it was necessary to combine recognition of the right to education of everybody, and freedom of education, as the basic principles of the regulation of educative matters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article the author analyzes the speech and actions of Vicente Guerrero in connection with the reestablishment of the Spanish Constitution, which in 1810 had launched a successful military action with Morelos for the takeover. The article also takes into account the ideological and political effect of the regulation (through their military delegates) on the inhabitants of the various villages near the armed conflict, So with him they could discover the persuasive activity, which made the leader of the South. The interest is mainly centered on the republican convictions of Guerrero, which are intended to take precedence over Cadiz constitutional persuasions to maintain and control its support forces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contains the speech of Álvaro Rodríguez Bereijo, Ex-president of the Spanish Constitutional Court, pronounced in the presentation of the Fernando Abril Martorell Award 2011, and it focuses on reminding the spirit of concord in the elaboration process of the Spanish Constitution of 1978 and on encouraging to face the reform of this Constitution with the same spirit of concord and looking for the same consensus as in 1978. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On March 19th, 2012 Spain commemorated the bicentenary of the proclamation of its first Constitution. The history of the text relates the events unleashed by the invasion of Napoleon's troops to the Iberian Peninsula, the abdication of the Spanish kings in favor of the French and the beginning of popular uprisings in Madrid against the French invaders in may 1808. Before giving up the throne, Fernando VII decreed the transfer of power to a Governing Board and called for the courts of the Kingdom to save the motherland; It was formed as the Supreme Central Executive, political body that defined the Spanish nation as "the totality of the Spaniards of both hemispheres" and denied the colonial condition of Latin America with the publication of the Decree of 22nd January 1809. This Decree involved the recognition of equal rights between American and Peninsular Spaniards. In this way, the following article presents the development of the constitutional discussion in the Cortes of Cadiz to implement immediate - 1810 - equal representation required by the American Government which claimed ignorance of the acquired rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the influence of Medieval Spanish monarch Alfonso X in the development and adoption of legislation and laws in the Cadiz Cortes and the Spanish Constitution during the 18th and early 19th centuries. The author comments on the political aspects as well as the influence of Medieval laws on the actions of the Cadiz Cortes and the laws of the Spanish Constitution. An analysis is also provided for the debate between continuity and reform of the laws influenced by the Medieval era.

Copyright of Revista de Derecho UNED is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho Politico is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The autor exhibits with clarity and sucess how the constitutional democracy in Spain is fruit of the consensus and as this consensus it is seriously threatened today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This academic survey, answered by Public Law Professors, focuses on the Decision 31/2010 of the Constitutional Court, on 28th juny, about a group of demands against the new «Estatuto de Cataluña», the foundation norm of Cataluña, approved by the Ley Orgánica 6/2006, on 19th july. In this survey can be found questions relative to the constitutional court decision content - the validity of the preamble, the official languages, organs and institutions in Cataluña and in the Central State, competences and financing-as well as relative to the dissent opinions and to the context in which this decision has been taken. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When we are present at the 32nd. Anniversary of the Constitution, can be said that, on one hand, our constitution is no more a normative constitution, but a nominal constitution, with the terrible threat that it could become purely a semantic constitution, and, on the other hand, it's evident that it is not fulfilled in the whole territory and that it presents various problems, partly because the past of time. It is necessary to include new fundamental rights, to give a more adequate regulation to some of them, to modify some aspects of the electoral system and of the parliamentary organization, to modernize the succession to the crown, to enforce the unitary judicial power, and, specially, it's necessary to finish the design of the territorial organization of the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Semata: Ciencias Sociais e Humanidades is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho UNED is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Derecho UNED is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The reforms adopted in Cadiz were legislative measures that lasted briefly. Some were implemented years later and produced a conflict with the Holy See and the rupture of relations. This procedure had precedents in the Regalism of the eighteenth century. Years later, the Constituent Assembly of 1931 was its best expression. The civil power could and should intervene in the internal life of the Church and set unilaterally its status and public space. Church and State ended up interpreting the situation as mutual harassment. When the public power was weak, the criticism towards the Church led to persecution and martyrdom of Christians through what has been called, wrongly, popular anticlericalism. The study focuses on the plan and method used in the Constituent Assembly from 1810 to 1813. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Constitucional is the property of Revista Historia Constitucional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article analyses the Constitutional expressions of sovereignty, as a primary and unlimited power of political building. In this sense the article considers four expressions, two of them broadly from the legal perspective: the Constitution and the Constitutional Reform, although the first one is unlimited from the juridical point of view but not in the material neither the logical perspective. The Constitutional Reform is limited from the legal point of view since it could not undermine the Constitution. Sovereignty weak expressions would be the Autonomous Statutes and the Historical Rights, the first ones are not an expression of the Constituent power and the second ones are not preceding, from the logical or legal perspective, the Constitution, which necessarily ought to comply with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines recent debates on the European Union's (EU) constitution and their impact on territorial politics in Spain. Analysis of the preferences and participation of autonomous communities and minority nationalist parties in treaty decision processes and the 2005 Spanish referendum, addresses questions about the mobilization of territorial actors, their ability to influence politics beyond the state, political cleavages on EU issues and the role of European integration in domestic disputes on nationalities questions. I argue that innovations in EU treaty processes provided new access for some Spanish territorial actors, but treaty outcomes reflected their limited impact. Ethno-territorial and ideological cleavages present in domestic politics on territorial matters extended to EU issues with territorial dimensions. Finally, while constitutional treaty debates provided minority nationalist leaders with opportunities to articulate distinctive political profiles both at home and abroad, scope for consensual accommodation of national differences within Spain by way of European integration made little progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]