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This paper examines regional legislative initiatives in Spain, a mechanism of shared-rule regulated in article 87.2 of the Spanish Constitution. Through description and analysis of an original dataset covering all legislative terms from 1978 to 2021, it is shown how this specific mechanism has not accomplished its shared-rule objective. Moreover, the article identifies patterns that determine the strategic use, intensity and failure or success of the legislative initiatives. We find diverging trends across regions exemplified by Catalonia, the most active territory but with a very low approval rate. Overall, the analysis underlines how the state-wide scope initiatives seem to have a strategic rather than a legislative purpose while, on the other hand, regional scope initiatives are explained by minor self-rule objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The purpose of this article is to criticize the thesis that proposes the unity of Spain, that is, the Spanish nation as a pre-constitutional historical reality, as the fundamental norm of the Spanish constitutional order. For this purpose, the defence made by González Navarro of this thesis is used as the main reference. In the first place, the aforementioned thesis is set forth, questioning the supposed irreformability of art. 2 CE derived from that thesis. Secondly, the notion of “objective” or “perennialist nation”, as well as the historiographical assumptions underlying this thesis are set forth and criticised. Thirdly, the law of progressive political unification that would presumably rule the historical evolution is set forth, as well as its direct legal consequence, namely, the denial of the right to full self-determination of nations. Next, this non-recognition of the right to full self-determination is criticised, as well as the validity of the supposed law of historical evolution. Finally, other theorems that González Navarro links to the thesis of the unity of Spain are criticised. The article ends with a criticism of the definition of “violence” linked to the thesis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The focus of this article is on Senegalese gender relations and female autonomy in Tenerife, Spain. I investigate women's autonomy in relation to women's social status as married or divorced, asking how the fact that they live with or without husband in Tenerife affects their work capacity, their decision-making and their economic achievements. I discuss female Senegalese migrants, and autonomy drawing upon three cases: one divorced woman, one married woman and her husband with their home in Tenerife, and one woman living in Tenerife with her husband in Dakar. For all Senegalese women, whether living in Senegal or Spain, marriage is a social obligation. Many Senegalese male migrants are discontented with the Senegalese female migrants' relatively high degree of independence. Men's lack of control over women in Tenerife irritates them and causes tensions between male and female traders. Female autonomy thrives, particularly among those women living without men, but also to some extent among those women who are married in Tenerife to Senegalese men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With reference to Calabuch (1956) the present article assesses Berlanga's familiar critique of Francoist authoritarianism and seeks to locate this dissidence within the context of a defence of the national and cultural difference of the Catalan and Valencian periphery. This concern is proposed as a neglected feature of his oeuvre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]