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This paper attempts to present a Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) of Nelson Mandela's defense speech "I am prepared to die," which was delivered in 1964 during his trial in what is often called as Rivonia Trial. More specifically, the paper tries to explore the hidden relations of power and ideologies that have been encoded in Mandela's defense speech. The main research question is: what are the ideological meanings Mandela tries to communicate through his speech, and how are these ideologies conveyed by CDA strategies? The paper draws on Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA), as discussed in the writings of Fairclough (1989, 2013) and Van Dijk (1993, 2001, 2014). The analysis covers two levels of analysis: the lexical level and the pragmatic level of analysis. Both levels are discussed under the theoretical umbrella of CDA. The paper reveals that Mandela managed, by using specific CDA strategies, to communicate particular ideological meanings that reflect his political stance, as well as his rebellious spirit as the most distinguished revolutionary leader who struggles against racial discrimination in South Africa.

The South African education crisis is well documented in the literature. While strides have been made to rectify the inequalities in education arising from apartheid era policies, and while South Africa ratified the United Nations Conventions for the Rights of People with Disabilities, these actions have yet to translate into meaningful changes for persons with disabilities. To investigate the status of educational attainment, this article uses South Africa's National Income Dynamics Study to analyse the disparities in education for adults with and without disabilities. Education is a key mechanism of leverage for functionings. The findings show that persons with disabilities fare worse in educational attainment than persons without disabilities, but that race and geographic location play a larger role in predicting educational attainment than disabilities. In addition, age also contributes to educational disparities. The findings of this study are integral in the call from the Presidency to "strengthen the country's response to the needs of [persons with disabilities] … and to monitor progress" of educational attainment for persons with disabilities (20-year review, 2014, p. 73).

In this article, I reflect on Nelson Mandela's (Madiba, the clan name of Mandela) education legacy. I argue that Madiba's education legacy is constituted by three interrelated aspects: firstly, an education for non-violence guided by deliberation, compassion and reconciliation; secondly, education as responsibility towards the Other; and thirdly, education that cultivates a "community of thinking". Educational philosophy and theory would be richly informed by the compelling education legacy bequeathed us by Nelson Mandela.

"Invictus" is a movie which is adapted from a true story of how the South African President, Nelson Mandela, tried to unite South Africa by supporting the national rugby team, Springbok, which used to be the symbol of Apartheid. His relation with other characters in this movie is reflected from the address forms and the choice is influenced by many aspects like social distance among the participants, age difference, formality scale etc. This paper focuses on the choice of address forms used among the participants. Besides the variety and progressive use of address forms, the finding also shows that the choice of address forms used by "black" and "white" South Africans are quite different, especially those addressed to Mandela. I observed that some in-group identity markers among the blacks are realized by intimate address forms like Mandela's nickname "Madiba", or companion address "Comrade". In the past, these address forms are known as the devices to struggle against the Apartheid system.

Geographers and other social scientists have argued that cartoons can play an effective role in enhancing the classroom experience and foster the development of critical thinking skills. We confirm the case for the use of cartoons in the classroom while arguing that recent writing underestimates the potential of this medium as a teaching resource. Our argument is that this medium can and should be used in teaching theoretical and conceptual debates in geography. We use recent cartoons by the South African cartoonist Zapiro to provide a framework for how this can be achieved in the classroom. (Contains 3 figures.)

International science policy controversies involve disputes over cultural differences in the assessment of knowledge claims and competing visions of the policy-making process between different nations. This essay analyzes these dynamics in the recent controversy surrounding AIDS policy in South Africa. It develops the notion of an epistemological filibuster, an appeal to uncertainty in order to delay policy implementation, and shows the key role it played in producing an argumentative stalemate between President Thabo Mbeki and Western orthodox AIDS scientists that threatened millions of HIV-positive South Africans. (Contains 87 notes.)

Written in the twilight of the Mbeki Presidency, this paper considers the role that skills development has in the sustainability of the South African political-economic project. It explores some of the disarticulations of public policy and argues that these both undermine public sector delivery and open up opportunities for private provision to be, under certain circumstances, more responsive to the challenges of national development. We argue that there is a possibility that the state could work more smartly with both sets of providers. Crucially, however, this would necessitate working more smartly within itself. This was a major plank of the Mbeki strategy but it has failed conspicuously with regard to the Education-Labour relationship. Whether a new President can achieve a radical reworking of this relationship may be an important indicator of the viability of any new development project. (Contains 1 table.)

Free speech in American higher education was sorely tested by three bizarre events in the waning days of September and another incident in early October. Each one has potentially grave implications for free expression and academic freedom, and thus merits closer scrutiny. The first event was the extension, then withdrawal and eventual reinstatement, of an offer of a deanship at the University of California to an outspoken scholar of constitutional law. The second was the lecture given by an anti-Western head of state, a vehement Holocaust denier, at Columbia University, along with a less than cordial welcome by the university's president. Meanwhile, though barely noted, the University of California's Board of Regents withdrew a speaking invitation to an eminent economist who is better known as a former president of Harvard. Finally, just as the dust was settling, the University of St. Thomas, in Minnesota, declined to invite to the campus, as one of a series of Nobel laureates, a celebrated opponent of apartheid in South Africa, but then relented a few days later. The implications of these events for academic freedom is discussed.

Photographs are rarely given much academic attention, especially, in Africa. This is against the popular use of photography in political communication. Against this background, this study examines the use of photographs in communicating political power in Zimbabwe and South Africa. The study will analyse photographs that circulated on Twitter on the week when Zimbabwean President Emmerson Mnangagwa and President Cyril Ramaphosa of South African assumed the power as Presidents of their respective countries in 2017 and 2018, respectively. Through the use of visual discourse analysis, as an analysis method, findings demonstrate that Mnangagwa and Ramaphosa were visually framed as the rightful heirs to the throne. The study further found that visual memories are used to 'argue' and make sense of the present. However, photography further evoked sad memories of the past that often characterise Mnangagwa and Ramaphosa's political image and these are the ghosts of Gukurahundi and Marikana massacres, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In South Africa's history, Frederik W. de Klerk has left numerous bookmarks. During his presidency (1989-1994), notable ones relate to his handling of foreign affairs. When he became president, he was a novice in this field. His reputation at home was initially built on conservative values. When he succeeded Pieter W. Botha in August 1985, South Africa was internationally isolated and internally in disarray. The date 2 February 1990, when he released Nelson Mandela from prison and unbanned the African National Congress (ANC) and the South African Communist Party (SACP), will forever be associated with an acclaimed and courageous political quantum leap. Soon afterwards, on 21 March 1990, he transferred South Africa's control and administration of Namibia to its first president. De Klerk dealt with two crucial issues head-on. First, he returned the military to true and proper civilian control. His decision to destroy South Africa's nuclear arsenal led to the signing of the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons Treaty in July 1991. By engaging in personal diplomacy, he forged remarkable relationships with President George H. W. Bush and Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher, who, together with other world leaders, recognized that De Klerk was determined to repair South Africa's disastrous foreign relations. He evaluated the events in Eastern Europe, the fall of the Berlin Wall, and demise of the Soviet Union in their proper context. In December 1993, he shared the Nobel Peace Prize with Mandela. Up to now De Klerk legacy in the realm of international relations have not been properly explored. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South African land redistribution is stalling, and frustration in both citizens and politicians has gained momentum in recent years. Among its numerous recommendations, the Advisory Panel on Land Reform and Agriculture, appointed by the presidency to ease the frustration, has recommended research to better understand the beneficiaries of land redistribution. Using a sample of 469 potential emerging farmers randomly selected and surveyed from three provinces, this article endeavours to understand factors affecting land size demand of commercial-oriented smallholders, who are the prime beneficiaries of land redistribution. Existing studies report a small land size demand from smallholders and have advocated that land reform farms should be subdivided to meet this demand despite the Land Subdivision Act of 1970, which prohibits subdivision of farmland. This repeated request implies that the government has done little so far to subdivide land reform farms. Results from the ordinary least squares regression of the present study show that mostly socio-economic variables, followed by 'currently owned arable land' and 'risk attitude', statistically explain land demand of potential land reform beneficiaries. Considering the farm subdivision debate, the results of this study substantiate the argument of subdividing farms because smallholders demand a land size that meets their working capabilities and their willingness to accept the associated risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional powers are often assumed to place diplomatic emphasis on their surrounding regions. Yet few systematic comparisons have been carried out to empirically verify this assumption. Do regional powers tend to devote more attention to their neighbours or to more influential global partners instead? This article attempts to bridge that gap by comparing the amount of diplomatic attention that Brazil, South Africa and Turkey have devoted to their regions, ie South America, Africa and the Middle East/North Africa region, respectively. Relying on data on presidential diplomacy and diplomatic presence from the Rising Powers Diplomatic Network (RPDN) data set, we verify which destinations were prioritised by these three countries from 1995 to 2018. Results indicate that South Africa is the most regionally committed regional power. Turkey shows the least significant regional engagement, while Brazil occupies an intermediate position. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1898, various African Christian leaders have emerged and contributed to shaping the South African political landscape. One such leader is the late John Langalibalele Mafukuzela Dube, the first president of the South African Native National Congress (SANNC), later called the African National Congress (ANC). This article uses a case study research methodology to identify the leadership qualities that influenced him, tracing them to the leadership qualities of Frank Chikane, Kenneth Meshoe, and Mmusi Maimane. It then evaluates how these leaders (in)directly applied these leadership qualities in the transformation of the post-1994 South African political landscape. This article then shows how the three leaders emulated John Langalibalele Mafukuzela Dube's leadership qualities in their efforts to contribute politically to the post-1994 transformation process in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The parallel examination of different states with their government systems is, was and will always be a necessary inurement for their in-depth knowledge and for the discovery of generalized orientations and developments. Regarding this affirmation, in the present article we intend to analyze from a comparative perspective two administrative systems, one from New Zealand and the other from South Africa, to identify the particularities in their organization and the way of functioning and to determine the similarities and differences between them. This research begins with the presentation of main identification data of the states, namely etymological explanations, continuing with the geographical locations and ending with the national emblems and flags. Afterwards, the present study provides insights into the genesis of the mentioned states, presenting brief historical records of how they appeared and developed. According to administrative-territorial organization criteria, New Zealand is divided into non-unitary and unitary regions, containing a territory as well, while South Africa is divided into provinces which, in turn, are divided into districts that are subdivided into local municipalities. From the point of view of the form of government, New Zealand is a unitary parliamentary constitutional monarchy, while South Africa is a unitary parliamentary republic with an executive presidency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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IsiXhosa literary critics have not yet interrogated literature that was produced during and after the tenure of Thabo Mvuyelwa Mbeki as deputy president and president of the Republic of South Africa in order to study the impact of his African Renaissance doctrine. This article analyses poetry that was produced from 2005 to 2011. The content of the isiXhosa written poetry is profoundly influenced by the context of former President Mbeki's African Renaissance philosophy, its implementation structures and philosophy of self-confidence and self-reliance. The selected poems analysed and interpreted in this article suggest that Mbeki's legacy of the African Renaissance empowered poets to develop a narrative that advances the building of a regenerated South African nation and the African continent. Selected poetry of the period is contextualised, and the findings reveal that the poets have a dialectical relationship with historical developments of the time, and that they demonstrate acquiescence to the African Renaissance ideology, and support the operational structures created; namely African Union, Pan-African Parliament and the Vuk'uzenzele programme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on the Mandela file in the Wits University Archives covering all aspects of his relationship with Wits, and on Mandela's prison correspondence, this article rotates around a remarkable story of persistence in the face of adversity and repeated failure - the story of Nelson Mandela's 46-year long pursuit of the Bachelor of Laws (LLB) degree. In 1943 he first enrolled as a part-time law student at Wits University and finally graduated with an LLB through the University of South Africa (UNISA) in 1989, a year before his release from prison. Fresh light is thrown on the Wits University Mandela dealt with, and on the obstacles placed in the way of his prison studies. Throughout there is a focus on Mandela and Wits - the university's impact on him as a student, his attempts to complete his Wits LLB while on Robben Island, his candidacy from prison for the Wits chancellorship, and, as president, his remarkable reunion with the law class of 1946. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will use the theoretical concepts of ‘intertextuality’, ‘interdiscursivity’ and ‘resemiotization’ to analyse four media texts on South African president, Jacob Zuma. The aims of the paper are, first, to analyse the role that intertextual references play in the construction of the identity of public figures. Second, the paper investigates the semiotic affordances of the visual and linguistic mode by tracing how previous discourses and texts about Jacob Zuma move across discursive spaces and modes. The findings suggest that reference to previous discourses play a fundamental role in the way in which Jacob Zuma is constructed. More specifically, resemiotization from the verbal to the visual mode seems to serve as a way to bring multiple discourses into a text without necessarily articulating these discourses linguistically. These findings are discussed within the broader framework of critical discourse analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

A retrospective view of South African President Jacob Zuma's delivery portfolio provides evidence of unfulfilled promises and continued erosion of democratic principles and practices enshrined in the constitution. In the election address of 6 May 2009, as well as the inaugural speech of 9 May 2009, one notes a much more inward-looking, ‘man of the people’ approach than that of his predecessor, President Mbeki, who advocated pan-Africanism as the foremost priority. In President Zuma's election speech of 6 May 2009, he constantly foregrounds local affiliations and references to his own positive personal qualities, addressing exclusively the ANC majority votership, while at his inauguration he addresses the entire nation. There is a visibly distinct shift from extreme subjective authorship in the election speech to attempted objectivity in the inaugural address, as the signs of the individual authorial presence are reduced in the inaugural speech, in order to attempt a more inclusive rhetoric. Furthermore, his State of the Nation address of 2011 is characterised by an overriding theme of self-praise, other-blaming and veiled threats. In summary then, President Zuma's speeches signal a radical shift from Africanism and pan-Africanism and from the agenda of the Organisation of African Unity (OAU), to neo-traditional, patriarchal notions of governance. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The Department of Performance Monitoring and Evaluation (DPME) in the Presidency was established in South Africa in 2009 by an incoming administration to improve the impact of government on citizens, notably around delivery of services. DPME has established a number of planning, monitoring and evaluation (M&E) systems including around priority outcomes, a national evaluation system, and management performance assessments of departments. Key helping factors include political commitment, strong programme leadership, and some strong institutions. Inhibiting factors include the predominant compliance culture of M&E, poor programme planning, and poor administrative data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay concerning the memorial address of U.S. President Barack Obama to former President Nelson Mandela of South Africa on December 10, 2013, is presented.