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The article focuses on the Phoenix Settlement, which Mahatma Gandhi established north of Durban during his formative years in South Africa. The settlement was almost completely destroyed during the Inanda Riots in 1985, after which a large community of African informal settlers moved onto the land, now known as Bhambayi. In the late 1990s, the settlement was restored and substantially reconstructed. It was opened as a heritage site in February 2000 and now forms an important local tourist attraction. The article explores the meaning of the Phoenix Settlement in terms of its tangible and intangible heritage, arguing that this is a highly significant yet ambiguous site. Interviews with a small sample of local community members reveal that younger people have more positive attitudes towards the site, but many associate it exclusively with Indians and elite visitors. As a heritage site, the Phoenix Settlement is officially positioned as a symbol of reconciliation and non-violent resistance, but the perception of the surrounding community is closely tied to race relations between Indians and Africans. The site is also overshadowed by its violent recent history, despite the fact that virtually all tangible evidence of that violence has been erased through the site's reconstruction and restoration. The article ends with a set of recommendations on how the presentation and management of Gandhi's settlement and its relationship with the local community could be improved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the Dick King equestrian memorial in Durban as an example of how the visual representation of an historic event in a commemorative monument endorses a particular interpretation of the past and may shape the popular imagination for generations to come. Specifically, the article focuses on Ndongeni kaXoki, the young Zulu man who reportedly accompanied Dick King on his famous journey. There is evidence that the artist, H.H. Grellier, intended to depict Ndongeni prominently as part of the main sculptural group on top of the pedestal. This proposal—rejected by the memorial committee—would have turned the present conventional statue into a unique monument and contributed to a rather different public remembrance of this historical event and its protagonist(s). The article concludes that more public knowledge about such statues, the events they commemorate and the circumstances of their construction, might nuance viewers' perceptions about them and make meaningful contributions to the current debate about existing colonial and apartheid era heritage in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the flourishing of cultural and heritage tourism in South Africa, an increasing number of Zulu cultural villages are being built in the rural and semi-urban areas of KwaZulu-Natal to present constructions of African culture to mostly foreign tourists. While popular, cultural villages are often criticised by scholars and there is a common inclination to treat them in a generalised manner as if they were all essentially similar. This article suggests that there is a need for a more differentiated approach. The article compares a sample of five Zulu cultural villages in KwaZulu-Natal, namely PheZulu Safari Park, Shakaland, KwaBhekithunga, Ecabazini Cultural Village and Nonoti Valley, to demonstrate that there are important differences between such ventures in the way that culture is interpreted and represented, in the way the varying needs of the tourists are accommodated, and in terms of the impact on, or benefits to the 'performing' community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout South Africa's recent architectural history, some architects have attempted to imbue their buildings with a specifically African character or evoke a sense of 'Africanness'. This article investigates the signs considered appropriate to convey Africanness, the concept of Africa conveyed and the intentions behind the 'Africanising' of architectural design. The first example of such 'Africanising' was Moerdijk's Pretoria University library building, with sculptural decoration reminiscent of Egypt and Great Zimbabwe. Such references to what were perceived to be the only precedents of 'high civilizations' on the African continent clearly speak of Afrikaner nationalism underlying the regionalist tradition. Eaton was a key representative of this tradition, though his perspective with respect to Africa was much broader and his passion for Africa all-encompassing. In the 1950s and 60s, several architects developed a strong interest in incorporating contemporary African or Afrophile art into their architecture. This constituted an important shift from Eaton's pan-African, atemporal focus on tradition towards the recognition of a changing, contemporary urban South African culture. Examples of Africanised architecture increased during the apartheid years for political reasons as white architects designed buildings that underscored ethnic and racial difference. A different approach was followed during the same period by Portuguese-born architect, "Pancho" Guedes whose intention was primarily to invent form, not to create a particular style or 'Africanise' architecture. Through the names of buildings, however, Guedes evoked the African bush in the viewer's mind. The most overt examples of Africanised architecture are found within the tourism sector. Perhaps the most extravagant and creative is the exclusive game lodge Makalali, where the emphasis is on the creation of an enchanting fantasy of Africa. In contrast is the 'Africa kitsch' of the Hilton International Hotel, Durban, which reproduces the stereotypical representations of local cultures offered by the products of the tourism industry. One can criticise 'Africanised' architecture for its artificiality, inauthenticity, and (arguable) irrelevance. However, more sincere attempts at creating a relevant South African architecture are to a certain degree indebted to the search for Africanness in architectural design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]