Search

The Conservative Party has usually done well in rural areas, but its 'green wall' is now under threat from Labour more than the Liberal Democrats. Farmers did not support Brexit any more than the general population, and in income terms they are currently doing well, but fear for the future. In addition, food security issues are more complex than they are portrayed, as are the relations with the devolved governments. In Scotland, the government there is much more popular among Scottish farmers whilst the government in Wales is doing much worse among farming communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes the concept of spatial imaginaries to explore how the post-Brexit negotiations shifted meanings of 'Europe' for Polish migrants residing in Scotland. A flourishing subfield of 'Brexit geographies' has explored the meaning and consequences of Brexit (as an event, process and affect) for wide-ranging communities on the move and in place. Yet, the question of how 'Europe', and in particular 'EUrope', is being re-imagined and re-constituted by EU migrants residing in uncertain political spaces remains understudied. In this article, we address this lacuna through analysis of biographical narrative interviews and spatial mapping exercises. In doing so, we conduct a multi-scalar analysis of Polish migrants' discursive and visual representations of EUrope, defined both as a geographical and institutional space. The study is spatially and temporally situated at a particular time and place in the Brexit timeline – the summer of 2019 in rural and urban Scotland. At this time, Brexit negotiations were ongoing, there was widespread uncertainty about the consequences for migrants in the United Kingdom, and, in Scotland particularly, much resistance to leaving the European Union. The article argues that while Brexit might have not affected European identity among Polish migrants in Scotland, it has prompted them to reconsider their place in Europe and to reimagine both the geographical and conceptual parameters of EUrope. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Devolution was almost universally regarded as heralding a fundamental shift in the nature of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. But, since the 2016 Brexit referendum, the UK government has become increasingly hostile—not only towards the Labour and SNP‐run administrations in Scotland and Wales, but to the very existence of devolution. Recent legislative changes—particularly the UK Internal Market Act—have given central government carte blanche to intervene in what were previously regarded as areas of devolved competence. The inevitable result has been to render the governance arrangements for the devolved countries more adversarial and less stable than was previously the case. One immediate consequence of 'the death of devolution' has been to trigger calls by devolutionists for more far‐reaching changes to the state than were achieved in the late 1990s. It is far from clear, however, that such changes are politically achievable, raising the prospect of an extended period of stasis in which the current arrangements persist, not because they have any real supporters, but rather, because no alternative is possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit has contributed to increased discussion of a second independence referendum in Scotland, so-called IndyRef2. A successful Yes vote would require negotiations between Scotland and the rest of the UK to settle distributional questions and coordinate on cross-border policies, but there are few precedents for this and little scholarly discussion as a result. This article argues that the lessons from Brexit can help us understand what negotiating secession might look like, insofar as British withdrawal from the European Union illustrates the specific dynamics associated with exiting a pluri-national and institutionally dense union under conditions of asymmetric interdependence. Drawing on recent research on the politics of exit, this article suggests the period following a successful independence referendum will be characterised by efforts to reinterpret the referendum mandate, political change within and between parties and institutions, altered preferences in London, and a highly asymmetric bargaining environment. Understanding the lessons of Brexit can aid our understanding of the dynamics of independence and help policymakers prepare in advance for the eventuality of a Yes vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK's decision to leave the EU was partly influenced by a desire to reduce immigration. This followed a period of increased Euroscepticism, and an 'othering' of those of a different background, nationality or religion, and ultimately the EU itself. Post-Brexit, this has been linked to a rise in hate crime in England, and the referendum decision has been characterised as an expression of a strengthened English identity. Hostility towards those perceived as 'foreigners' or 'others' seems also to have affected people from the other nations within the British Isles, with speculation that Brexit might lead to the break-up of the UK. Here, we focus on Scots living or who have lived in England and, while their experiences are mixed, it appears that some hostility towards Scots (and indifference to Scotland) has grown. We speculate that this and additional political tensions may, eventually, bring about the end of the union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Family farms dominate less favoured areas (LFAs) within Europe, and family life‐cycle conditions, such as succession and retirement, affects how these farms adapt to changing circumstances. Past studies of on‐farm technical efficiency have not directly addressed these conditions, but they may explain why some farms are more efficient than others, especially as the farm family model dominates most farming systems. Motivated by the UK's withdrawal from the EU and the debate around establishing replacement support policies, we apply a multi‐step model to measure both transient and persistent inefficiencies using a panel of LFA cattle and sheep farms in Scotland over the period 2003–2020. We find a greater prevalence of persistent compared to transient inefficiency, which suggests that structural problems still exist. Farms with planned succession are found to have higher persistent efficiencies, whereas farmers nearing retirement have lower levels. Other factors, such as dependence on subsidy, off‐farm activity and classification as severely disadvantaged tend to compound these lower efficiencies. We argue that life‐cycle conditions should not be ignored in studies of farm technical efficiency. Within the scope of framing a new agricultural policy for UK administrations, these results inform the debate on support for LFAs, as well as the promotion of support towards generational renewal to ease transition across farm family life‐cycle events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We propose a framework to analyse partisan debates that involves extracting, classifying and exploring the latent argumentation structure and dynamics of online societal controversies. In this paper, the focus is placed on causal arguments, and the proposed framework is applied to the Twitter debate on the consequences of a hard Brexit scenario. Regular expressions based on causative verbs, structural topic modelling, and dynamic time warping techniques were used to identify partisan faction arguments, as well as their relations, and to infer agenda-setting dynamics. The results highlight that the arguments employed by partisan factions are mostly constructed around constellations of effect-classes based on polarised verb groups. These constellations show that the no-deal debate hinges on structurally balanced building blocks. Brexiteers focus more on arguments related to greenfield trading opportunities and increased autonomy, whereas Remainers argue more about what a no-deal Brexit could destroy, focusing on hard border issues, social tensions in Ireland and Scotland and other economy- and healthcare-related problems. More notably, inferred debate leadership dynamics show that, despite their different usage of terms and arguments, the two factions' argumentation dynamics are strongly intertwined. Moreover, the identified periods in which agenda-setting roles change are linked to major events, such as extensions, elections and the Yellowhammer plan leak, and to new issues that emerged in relation to these events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the effects of Brexit on the internal boundaries and territorial future of the United Kingdom (UK). Divergent Brexit preferences, coupled with the process of negotiating and preparing for Brexit, have raised new questions about the ability of the UK to remain united. Focusing upon Scotland and Northern Ireland, where territorial challenges are most acute, the article draws upon and adapts Hirschman's voice, exit and loyalty framework to examine the strategic choices and options faced by institutional actors in each case when determining constitutional and political options in response to Brexit. The article contends that, while credible exit threats were used to bolster voice in the Brexit negotiations, the Brexit vote and subsequent process have exposed the limitations of territorial voice, and unleashed new exit dynamics. We enhance the framework by exploring the concept of re-entry, exploring the contrasting paths these territories would face to re-enter the European Union (EU). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit has brought tensions in European and (especially) British politics. This article illustrates the rationale, scope and research questions of the special issue, which investigates the first Brexit effects in the five years following the 2016 referendum. Taking the distribution of political power as our primary focus and analysing mainly – though not exclusively – British politics, we trace the first developments in the three domains of politics, polity and policy since the UK's decision to leave the EU. In the politics domain, after the political uncertainties surrounding the referendum period, we detect a return to the power-hoarding dynamics typical of the Westminster model. However, the territorial and constitutional architectures of the British polity are under considerable strain, with Brexit strengthening the nationalistic movements in Scotland and Northern Ireland. In the policy domain, despite strong common interests, Brexit has failed to produce cooperative EU–UK arrangements in finance and foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit aimed to restore sovereignty to the United Kingdom. That rested on an interpretation of the UK as an internally integrated and externally bordered sovereign state. Another interpretation is that the UK is a plurinational union, in which the issue of sovereignty is contested. Devolution in 1999 left this issue in abeyance, while membership of the EU provided an external support system. Brexit removed this external support and resulting territorial tensions are exacerbated by the fact that majorities in Scotland and Northern Ireland opposed it. There have been three responses: to reconstitute the United Kingdom as a unitary state; to fragment it into its constituent parts; and to seek a differentiated Brexit. Only Northern Ireland has been granted such an exception, at the insistence of another Member State. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At a time when the world is becoming more mobile, and migration levels are high, relatively limited attention has been paid to return migrants. Yet returners can play an important role in their homeland. In Scotland, with a sluggish population growth fuelled entirely by immigration, return movement is an important way of growing the population and the economy. This paper reports on a study of return migrants to Scotland in 2019/20 and discusses their reasons for return, their experiences and their long-term commitment to the country. Respondents generally felt positively about their return and there was considerable support for Scottish independence, particularly if that led to rejoining the European Union. Brexit was an important factor in making Scots feel unwelcome in England and helping to encourage return to Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'Brexit' referendum represents a hostile shift in the United Kingdom's acculturative context. With its remain majority and pro‐migration political discourse, Scotland appears less hostile than the rest of the United Kingdom. We explored whether and how Brexit affected the mental health of European Union citizens living in Scotland. Thirty EU citizens took part in seven focus groups. Participants reported three main sources of acculturative stress: uncertainty, feelings of rejection and experiences of loss. These were associated with a range of negative emotional and mental states including anxiety, anger, shock and sadness. A minority reported severe difficulties including trauma, panic attacks and deterioration of existing physical and mental health conditions. Participants mobilised contrasts between Scotland and other parts of the United Kingdom to partially mitigate feelings of rejection. These findings indicate that the United Kingdom's hostile acculturative context has had important, enduring effects on the mental health of EU citizens in Scotland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The philosophy underlying the creation of the devolved institutions in Wales and Scotland was expansive, leading to a growth in powers over twenty years. That approach is now under challenge following recent Brexit legislation, which marks a sharp contrast with the unionist approaches of the past. The Covid‐19 pandemic provided a visibility boost for devolution, while exposing existing tensions in intergovernmental relations. This article identifies four forms of unionism in operation over the last twenty years—passive, activist, progressive and muscular—and questions whether muscular unionism can now be considered a form of statecraft. Those 'progressive unionists' who advocate further devolution should avoid 'constitutional determinism'—the assumption that muscular unionism will inevitably lead to a breakup of the UK unless further constitutional reform takes place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the temporal clustering of hate crimes in Scotland, England and Wales in the wake of the Brexit vote and the 2017 terrorist attacks. Using an interrupted time-series design, we analyzed hate crime data by motivation type and month as provided by area police forces under the Freedom of Information Act. The results revealed a significant increase in crimes based on religious bias in Scotland, England and Wales after the 2017 terrorist attacks. There is also evidence of a significant increase in racial hate crime in the aftermath of the European Union referendum but only in England and Wales. We suggest that these findings underscore the role of political legitimization in predicting hate crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has the UK referendum to leave the EU (Brexit) affected territorial preferences within the UK? We draw on comparative theories of such preferences to address this question, as Brexit can be seen as a shock to a political unit. We test hypotheses in two key regions, Scotland and Northern Ireland, with original surveys fielded at a unique time (September 2019). We randomize making salient different Brexit scenarios and measure support for Scottish independence and unification with Ireland within each region. We find in Scotland the prospect of leaving the EU increases support for independence. This effect is pronounced among those who support the UK remaining in the EU. In Northern Ireland, religious background correlates highly with territorial views, and we find little evidence of Brexit or border-scenario effects. Our results contribute to the literature on decentralization processes and the EU, and provide evidence of when negative shocks affect such preferences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Market and institutional shocks and upheaval, brought about by political, economic and social changes, have the potential to generate significant corporate restructuring. Foreign subsidiaries are particularly vulnerable to such impacts given the embeddedness of parent companies in their home countries, with the potential for disinvestment and regional decoupling. This paper examines the impact of the Brexit vote and negotiation period on UK-based foreign subsidiaries in the software and software-related sectors in Scotland and South East England. This firm-centric approach follows recent evolutionary thinking that restates the importance of examining the firm as a means by which to understand how regions respond to such disturbances. Rather than simply examine impact, the paper is concerned with why the scope and scale of impacts are mediated by particular corporate and global production networks (GPN) processes. Key to this is the examination of the importance of the value creation corporate role and degree of replication within the corporation (specificity), the GPN spatial configuration, and the markets that subsidiaries are mandated to serve. The paper concludes that a variety of impacts are evident, but that notable negative consequences have arisen for subsidiaries with low corporate specificity, working through European Union (EU)-configured GPNs, and serving European markets. These negative impacts are more notable in Scotland, compared with South East England where a large minority have experienced no detrimental impacts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European Union membership referendum (i.e. the Brexit referendum) in the United Kingdom in 2016 triggered a process of introspection among non-British European Union citizens with respect to their right to remain in the United Kingdom, including their right to entry, permanent residence, and access to work and social welfare. Drawing on interview data collected from 42 European Union nationals, namely Finnish and Polish migrants living in Scotland, we explore how European Union migrants' decision-making and strategies for extending their stay in the United Kingdom, or returning to their country of origin, are shaped by and, in turn, shape their belonging and ties to their current place of residence and across state borders. In particular, we draw on the concept of embedding, which is used in migration studies to explain migration trajectories and decision-making. Our key argument is that more attention needs to be paid to the socio-political context within which migrants negotiate their embedding. To this end, we employ the term 'politics of embedding' to highlight the ways in which the embedding of non-British European Union citizens has been politicized and hierarchically structured in the United Kingdom after the Brexit referendum. By illustrating how the context of Brexit has changed how people evaluate their social and other attachments, and how their embedding is differentiated into 'ties that bind' and 'ties that count', we contribute to the emerging work on migration and Brexit, and specifically to the debate on how the politicization of migration shapes the sense of security on the one hand, and belonging, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between rural space and Brexit. It uses the 2016 UK Referendum outcome and the ongoing processes of Brexit as an optic though which to explore the changing configurations of rural communities and the ways in which they both reinforce and problematise the politics and geographies of Brexit. Taking as its starting point the 'take our country back' nationalism of the 2016 Referendum the paper considers how the anti-migrant, defensive Brexit positions folded into dominant rural imaginaries. Arguing that these imaginaries have always been fractured, the paper shows how this has intensified through the ruralisation of migration in the 2000s. In this context Brexit can be understood as rupture more than a confirmation of nationalist or exclusionary rural imaginaries and the complex intra-rural Leave/Remain geography is indicative of this. Drawing on a small set of in-depth interviews with expert 'policy actors' from rural community and migrant organisations in rural regions in of Wales, England, and Scotland the paper reflects on the rural-Brexit relationship by exploring rural diversity, perceptions of the impacts of Brexit on rural places and rural-migrant dependencies that are social as well as economic. It identifies the interconnected precarity of rural communities' well-being as the decisions of (and constraints on) rural migrants in the post Brexit, re-bordered UK disrupt and affect rural livability. In doing so, it emphasises the ambivalence in the everyday 'rural Brexit' and calls for closer attention to the ways in which rural communities are constitutive of and respond to political turbulence. • Develops the nascent debates around the relationship between Brexit and the rural. • Examines the complexity of that relationship across three national contexts. • Brings together the sociological literature around Brexit with insights from rural sociology. • Explores the lacunae between the rural as an expression of nationalism and the rural as a lived and fluid space. • Draws on and presents situated policy responses from an exploratory empirical study. • Reflects on emergent senses of rural precarity and the importance of rural interdependencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the extent to which the UK's three devolved governments have sought and achieved influence on the UK Government's evolving post-Brexit international trade policy, distinguishing their influence at key stages of the trade policy cycle (mandate, negotiations and implementation). Despite carrying the legal responsibility to implement those aspects of trade deals that fall within areas of devolved competence, the devolved governments' attempts to secure meaningful influence on the UK's trade agreements have largely been frustrated. This reflects a lack of trust between the devolved and UK governments, weaknesses in the framework for and operation of intergovernmental relations, and a strong desire of the UK government to retain control centrally wherever possible. The resulting tensions have exacerbated devolved governments' concerns over the authority of the devolved institutions post-Brexit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a corpus-assisted discourse study of a medium-sized corpus of journalistic content collected from the Russian-language branch of RT, a Russian governmentsponsored news source. A corpus of over 380,000 tokens was collected from online world news reports, business analyses, opinion pieces, culture, science, and sport news reporting containing the word 'Brexit.' It touches on the presentation of Brexit itself, its technical aspects, main actors, the UK and the EU, Theresa May, Boris Johnson and other politicians, and such issues of contention as the situation in Scotland and Northern Ireland, the economy, and migration. Reporting seems fairly shallow: the technicalities of Brexit are mentioned very frequently, but they do not receive much discussion or explanation. RT's commentary relies heavily on quoting politicians or interviewing experts, which may be caused by a lack of first-hand experience with the topic, by respect for expert opinion, or by a desire to improve the network's negative reputation by appeals to professionalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Przeglad Sejmowy is the property of Kancelaria Sejmu and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The 'environment' is a fully devolved concern in UK governance, though the comparative dynamics of devolved environmental governance remain poorly understood. The potential for the repatriation of significant environmental powers from the EU to devolved administrations through Brexit means that the nature of devolved environmental policy-making is increasingly coming under the spotlight. This paper enhances collective understanding about the nature of devolved environmental government and governance by adopting a comparative approach across the devolved nations of the UK. Based upon interviews and policy publications it analyses a number of key policy-making and institutional variables in relation to responses to an international environmental regime. In both Wales and Scotland evidence was found of environmental policy-making, policy-innovation and institution-building that diverged from the UK. Wales, in particular, evidenced how 'the environment' appears to be seen as a dynamic space for policy and institutional innovation. These findings highlight how the devolved-scale of governance might be particularly fruitful for environmental policy-innovation when the means, motive and opportunity are evident. It also highlights how key conditions are evident to ensure that devolved agencies may be empowered to undertake radically divergent approaches and programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers some reflections on the lessons readers might take from the papers in this special issue. These are framed through consideration of three key themes: Scottishness, nationhood and national identity; the search for belonging, not least in relation to migrants' emotional responses to Brexit; and the practical questions that Brexit poses for citizenship(s) and 'settled' status. In considering these themes, attention is drawn towards three areas which are ripe for further study. Several of the articles bring into focus the notion of Scottish exceptionalism, provoking questions about what impacts this exceptionalism, or perhaps more importantly perceptions of it, may have at policy and attitudinal levels. Questions too, are posed about the heterogeneity of perception, experience and response to Brexit amongst ECE migrants in Scotland. Finally, it can be seen that Brexit has been a protracted process and a source of anxiety and anguish, not least for those who have made Scotland their home. Looking forward, there will be more Brexit related tension to come, a prospect hugely complicated by the impacts of Covid-19. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spectre of Brexit has raised issues of concern for Roma communities living and working in Scotland and other parts of the UK. The effective ending of freedom of movement has produced new uncertainties and insecurities for people living outside their EU countries of origin, especially for those who are racialised and stigmatised by 'hostile environment' policies. Brexit is best understood as both a process and effect of everyday bordering as well as a continuation of historically embedded structural divisions. This paper looks at everyday Roma life in Glasgow, via the work of the NGO Romano Lav (Roma Voice), to assess how Brexit is impacting on people's lives. Further, the paper examines how Scotland can best move forward in terms of independence and the European project. It is argued that a second independence referendum that gives full political independence to Scotland is the only way to secure future EU membership and freedom of movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on the experiences of Scotland's largest foreign-born minority group, namely Poles, in the run-up to the Scottish Independence Referendum in 2014 and subsequently the UK's EU Referendum. Through exploring Polish migrant residents initial responses and experiences with regard to both referendums, this article (1) outlines perspectives on blurred and contested boundaries and formations of citizenships and (2) the implications of complex and changing relations between citizenship attributions (e.g. political participation, legal status of citizenship and sense of belonging) on the process of citizenship formation. This article therefore offers a greater understanding of the transformation of traditional state-centric concepts of citizenship rights into the shifting borders and character of citizenship formation during the times of political uncertainties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit has brought many uncertainties, including the future position of UK-based EU migrants. Our concern is with a much less studied group, albeit one of the largest socio-political sub-groups within England – the Scots. These are migrants who live in a different country but within the same state and recent constitutional decision making has not been kind to them. In 2014, English based Scots had no vote in the independence referendum and in the EU referendum they witnessed Scotland voting significantly differently to England, resulting in ongoing tensions between the UK and Scottish Governments. If Brexit leads to another independence referendum, what are the implications for Scots in England, in terms of their citizenship, identity, and residence in a very different (r)UK? We explore their status in a (r)UK outside the EU, we speculate on whether some might move back or whether, if they remain, they would experience hostility within post-Brexit England. Might the current position of the English Scots tell us something about the future relationship between England and Scotland? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the impact of Brexit on young people aged 12–18 who had moved to Scotland from Central and Eastern Europe. It draws on empirical data collected with over 250 young people who contributed to an online survey and focus groups between 2016–2018, immediately after the Brexit Referendum took place. The paper examines young people's feelings of national identity and how their sense of belonging has been impacted by Brexit. The key findings reveal that factors such as their everyday experiences of racism and xenophobia and perceptions of what other people, often their friends, might think about who gets to belong were identified as significant to the identities young migrants felt able to claim. While many young people expressed a strong sense of belonging in the UK as a whole and over half said they were feeling Scottish, access to a Scottish national identity seems to be restricted and often denied to them. At the same time, many felt able to occupy the national identity of their country of birth or claim hyphenated identities that included Scottishness and a European identity. In the context of Brexit, this poses a challenge for making New Scots feel like they belong in Scotland, as many may now decide to review their plans to remain in Scotland long-term if their rights change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Scotland has been portrayed as an outlier in the context of Brexit, we know relatively little about how ordinary people in Scotland, including a growing migrant population, make sense of this (political and media) narrative. In order to address this gap, in this article I look at everyday narratives of Scotland's distinctiveness in the post-Brexit-vote era among the long-settled population and Polish – and to a lesser degree other European Union – migrants in the East End of Glasgow. By drawing upon scholarship on everyday nationalism and imagined communities, I explore discursive claims which romanticise Scotland as different and 'welcoming' of immigration and position it in binary opposition to England. How is Scotland produced as different in the context of Brexit? How are these stories used to re-imagine increasingly diverse Scottish society? In what ways are they being employed by migrant communities? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is not about Brexit and yet it is. It presents findings from a project which explored the ways in which experiences of material and emotional in/security have shaped the decision-making and choices of people who came to live in Scotland from Central and Eastern Europe over the period 2004–2014. Their stories reveal much about the ways in which apparently monumental moments of geopolitical change resonate in longer-term lived experiences of transformation. The analysis foregrounds the often mutually constitutive influence of material and emotional in/securities in people's experiences of and decisions regarding migration and settlement. It demonstrates the linkages between these and wider questions of representation and entitlement which can feed into a (lacking) sense of deserving presence. It explores the complex relationship between the past, present and future which provide rationales and justifications for sometimes difficult decisions and experiences. Based on research largely undertaken before the referendum had even been announced the papers arguments and findings resonate closely with an emerging literature on Brexit and its consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is the editorial introduction to the Special Issue of Scottish Affairs on Scotland and Brexit: Citizenship, Identity and Belonging. Here we outline the key themes and concerns of the Special Issue and contextualise the various contributions that follow. In particular we focus on issues of rights, identity, representation and entitlement in the context of growing social divisions and shifting boundaries of citizenship. We consider, too, Scotland as a distinctive part of the Brexit discourse, and explore the past, present and future of Scotland in a changing UK and EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The UK is currently working closely with the European institutions on countless measures, and voting against the launch of a full program of negotiations, possibly in ten or more years, on terms that Brexit supporters will not be able to demand. This process would be further complicated by the new demands for freedom, especially from Scotland, which would benefit the EU. While the information contained in the study recommends that immigration mentality be considered a key element, the choice has formally clarified the harmony between views and vulnerability in reception. Think about the impact of the EU on the overall prosperity of the UK and what progress will be made. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research provides an overview of the potential social impacts of Brexit on individuals and communities in Scotland. It complements economic analyses of Brexit, which tend to focus on impacts on businesses, the economy and GDP. The paper begins by discussing the impacts of the Brexit referendum on people in Scotland since June 2016 to the present day, which include slower economic growth and immigration uncertainty. The research then explores the potential impacts of Brexit going forward under three scenarios: a hard Brexit, a softer Brexit and a no-trade deal Brexit. People's legal rights, access to funding and public services, and employment, housing and consumer spending prospects are then analysed from the perspective of different equalities groups. An in-depth analysis of potential impacts is also provided through a case study on women. The key findings are that the potential socioeconomic effects of any type of Brexit will likely to be widespread across equalities groups; and equalities groups are also likely to feel the shared loss of EU funding, European citizenship and other EU social rights and protections that are not transposed into domestic law or which will likely come to an end (i.e. European Health Insurance Card). However, the likelihood of these impacts happening depends on several variables, as yet unknown, including the closeness of the future UK-EU relationship, trade agreements with other countries, and the UK Government's post-Brexit policy agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reaction to the 2019 outcome focused instead on a second-order question: had the SNP won - or, as its supporters would prefer, retained - a mandate to hold another independence referendum? Of course, some of those - especially the Labour voters - were already sympathetic to independence in 2017 or may have switched to Yes between the two elections, in which case they might well have gone to the SNP anyway. The SNP is the party of Yes-Remain and the Conservatives are the party of No-Leave. It didn't help Labour that its positions on both Brexit and Scottish independence seemed more nuanced and less certain than either the SNP or the Tories. [Extracted from the article]

In this paper, the Brexit referendum, the legal referendum on the independence of Scotland, and the unconstitutional referendum on the independence of Catalonia are jointly analyzed. It is based on the premise that the three are secession referendums and, therefore, bear similarities that allow for joint treatment, but the emphasis is placed on the differences between, on the one hand, secession of a State and of the European Union and, on the other hand, the conditions in which the independence referendums were held in Scotland and Catalonia respectively. The instrument of the referendum is studied as a mechanism of direct Democracy within representative Democracies and, in particular, its lack of suitability to resolve this type of legal-political conflicts. The consequences for Northern Ireland and Scotland of Brexit are analyzed, distinguishing whether it is with or without agreement. Finally, a review of the legal and constitutional framework of an eventual secession of a part of the territory of the European Union is made to respond, in particular, if there is any possibility that this territory could remain in the EU without previously going to the planned procedure in art. 49 TEU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research explores how universities can better engage with the animation/VFX industry in Scotland, by examining what skills current industry requires of graduates, and how institutes can better collaborate with working studios. Given the unknown impact that Brexit may have on the animation/VFX sector both nationally and further afield, now more than ever should the education sector re-evaluate how to bridge the gap for graduates moving on from education to being a productive member of the industry. Animation studios were invited to share their opinions and thoughts on the current state of the animation/VFX sector in Scotland, and to discuss how industry could make better use of universities. Industry wants to collaborate with education, to inspire and encourage talent development for the animation/VFX sector in Scotland. Both the education and animation/VFX sectors have their own unique methodologies and approaches for working and communicating with one another, which at times can be counterproductive. Education must change its relationship with industry, in favour of a more symbiotic relationship, by inviting industry to play a more active role in course design and structure, as a means for institutes to keep the contents of their courses relevant and be able to respond to the current skills requirement of industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work presents tercets from 'Là Buidhe Bealltainn' in a visually totemic form and framework which iterates the more ancient vibrations present in Rody Gorman's work. This is augmented by a broad series of 'Scottish' iconographic images influenced by the notions of 'imperial fantasy' which have surfaced in the Brexit debate and the fallout surrounding Scottish national identity and the power of democracy in the aftermath of the recent referendums on the future of the nation. A hybrid Actaeon/Charles Edward Stuart/landowner figure and Brittania (from Walter Crane's occasionally subversive 'Imperial Federation Map of the World Showing the Extent of the British Empire in 1886') preside over the visual interplay. Any concomitant narrative is at the viewer's discretion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a substantial amount of literature that focuses on the governance of offshore fisheries in Europe and abroad, the history of fishing industries in different countries, and anthropological studies of fishing communities around the world. There is also a large amount of literature that explores the attitudes of fishermen towards fisheries governance and management. However, there is very little research that has explored the political attitudes of fishermen through the use of quantitative survey data. Using a survey carried out just ahead of the referendum on the UK’s membership of the EU, this paper analyses data from a sample of Scottish skippers who work on vessels over 10 m in length. The paper focuses on how fishermen in Scotland vote at both UK and Scottish elections, how they voted in the Scottish independence and EU referendums, their political and social attitudes and their demographic breakdown. On the EU referendum, the paper finds that fishermen, as well intending to overwhelmingly voting to leave the EU, did so for instrumental reasons in the belief that this course of action would benefit them and their industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the territorial dimension of the Brexit referendum and its consequences, especially with respect to devolution and the independence debate within Scotland. The convincing Scottish majority vote for Remain alongside the UK vote to leave the EU has exposed the difficulties in reconciling rival self-determination claims. The Brexit vote has also raised again the issue of Scotland’s place within the UK, and for some justifies reconsideration of the decision the Scottish electorate made to remain within the UK by rejecting independence in 2014. The article considers the explanations for the Remain vote in Scotland, and the reactions of the Scottish and UK Governments to the competing preferences north and south of the border. It argues that the ‘one nation’ nationalist rhetoric of the UK Government in the aftermath of the vote is at odds with the plurinational character of the United Kingdom. It critically examines the effects of the Brexit process to date on the influence and constitutional authority of the devolved institutions, while pointing to the challenges that would confront advocates of independence were that issue to re-emerge as the Brexit process unfolds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The two years since the Scottish independence referendum have been a roller-coaster ride, with the SNP picking up close to a hundred thousand new members and triumphing in the 2015 General Election, taking all but three seats in Scotland; with David Cameron winning, against the collective wisdom of the pollsters, a Westminster majority, obliging him to call his promised EU referendum; with the SNP achieving an unprecedented third Holyrood term, but losing their absolute majority; with the Scottish Tories leapfrogging Scottish Labour into second place, usurping the role of 'official opposition' at Holyrood; with Jeremy Corbyn elected UK Labour leader - not once, but twice; and, to cap it all, the vote for Brexit on 23 June, its chaotic aftermath, and the reappearance of indyref2 at the top of the agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Northern Ireland and Scotland could and should stay within the European Union while remaining inside the United Kingdom. This proposal need not prevent, and may facilitate, England and Wales in leaving the EU, and it is in accordance with the respective preferences of the peoples of the two Unions who voted in the advisory referendum held on 23 June 2016. Prime Minister May and her Cabinet should address carefully the question of whether to trigger Article 50, or instead to give notice that only parts of the UK-England and Wales-will be leaving the EU. The price of enforcing the entirety of the UK's exit from the EU may be lasting damage to the two Unions that make up the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author discusses aspects of the Brexit, Great Britain's decision to leave the European Union in 2016, from a Scottish perspective. He says that the exit would likely increase tensions between England and Scotland. He also mentions that the exit may diverge political habits and the success of the Conservatives in the Scottish election could be reserved.

In this article, we look at the role of time and temporalities in migrant responses to the result of the 2016 European Union referendum in the United Kingdom, that is, Brexit. Although some attention has been paid to affective "first reactions" to Brexit, less is known about how it is negotiated in a longer perspective. Here, we recognise that responses to Brexit are dynamic and prone to change. Therefore, it is crucial to explore practical rationalising alongside emotional reactions as two different, but equally relevant, responses. Using the example of Finnish and Polish migrants to Scotland, we show that time is central to making sense of Brexit and is used to negotiate uncertainty about legal status and the right to remain. In doing so, we revisit a wider gap in geography scholarship, which continues to underappreciate the temporal dimension in migration research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Brexit, the UK's planned withdrawal from the EU, has significant implications for UK fisheries, potentially creating both opportunities and challenges regarding future governance of some of the most important fisheries in the EU. This paper presents findings of discussions with key industry representatives from two of Scotland's largest ports – Peterhead and Fraserburgh. The views of these stakeholders give a unique perspective on the opportunities and challenges provided by Brexit. Views are reported on the current management system, the importance of the EU as an export market and how industry stakeholders believe fisheries should be governed if the UK leaves the Common Fisheries Policy (CFP). Despite the view from stakeholders that the current distribution of fishing rights in UK waters is unbalanced, and the view that the CFP has moved from a positive to a negative for the industry, the implications of these results suggest that this part of the industry is not focussed solely on a quick removal from the CFP that returns 100% of fishing rights and control of UK waters, but instead seeks an improved management system that allows for the long term sustainability of the sector. • EU Common Fisheries Policy viewed as saving the Scottish fishing industry but now seen to constrain its growth. • Scottish fishers want to leave the Common Fisheries Policy but not block access to their fellow fishers from abroad. • Reduction of export trade from the UK to the EU has potential for significant negative impact on the industry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]