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After nearly seven years of severing diplomatic relations between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and after nearly two decades of deteriorating relations between the two countries, China succeeded in bringing both parties together to restore their relations that could open a new phase in the relations among countries of the Gulf region in particular, and the Middle East in general, which will affect the political, economic and humanitarian scene and put an end to the sharp deterioration of the region since the US invasion of Iraq in 2003, which contributed in worsening the Saudi-Iranian relations, and led the Middle East into wars, violence and the spread of terrorism, noting that the region might need decades to get out of its economic, social and political repercussions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The long-standing incompatible oil policies of Iran and Saudi Arabia within OPEC have always resulted in a level of economic tension, but Iran now views Saudi's actions as coercive economic measures to complement the "maximum pressure" and other similar campaigns by the United States. Iran has gradually abandoned its traditional view of Saudi as a political rival only, and has instead viewing it as a hostile state which aims at securitizing Iran and posing a direct military threat to the country. The upheaval came when Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Israel joined forces to coordinate their anti-Iran policy, lobbying the US to pull out from the Iran's nuclear deal known as the Jonit Comprehensive Plan Of Action (JCPOA), Iran's most prominent political project to normalize relations with the West. Since the World War II, rivalry has been the major state of relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Review of International Affairs (04866096) is the property of Institute of International Politics & Economics and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Extensive asphalt pavements have persisted along >25 km (km) of shoreline on Abu Ali Island, on the Arabian (Persian) Gulf coast of Saudi Arabia, reportedly stranding as a result of the 1983–1985 Nowruz oil spills. A study was conducted in October 2020 to support development of a remediation plan. Cross-shore transects were surveyed at 100 m intervals and 1434 shovel test pits were dug to determine oil type, thickness, and depth of burial. Oiling of any description was observed at 76% of the pits. Using 15 diagnostic biomarker ratios, only 5 of the 94 oiled samples from Abu Ali Island in 2020 likely contain other oils. Data on historical spills were identified from the literature. Based on chemical biomarker data for potential source oils in the northern Arabian (Persian) Gulf, the diagnostic ratio for the biomarkers 18a-22,29,30-Trisnorneohopane (Ts) and 17a(H)-22,29,30-Trisnorhopane (Tm) for the 94 samples only matched one Iraq crude oil. No large individual spills of Iraq crude oil were identified in the literature or spill databases, although releases of both Kuwait and Iraq crudes were reported for the 1991 Gulf War oil spills. However, oil residues from Abu Ali did not match most prior samples of Saudi shoreline oiling from the Gulf War oil spills, which largely consisted of spilled Kuwait crude. Though we cannot definitely conclude that the majority of the residual oil on Abu Ali Island delineated during the 2020 survey is oil from the Nowruz oil spills, because there is no source oil from these spills, we use a weight of evidence approach to say that it is highly likely that the majority of the residual oiling is from the Nowruz spills. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While Saudi Arabia was spending over US$21 billion on food imports in 2018, it was also exporting foodstuffs to neighbouring states. The history of the food self-sufficiency strategy since the rise in oil prices of 1973, almost 50 years ago, suggests that the main beneficiaries of the food independence strategy have been the powerful men of the ruling group. Saudi Arabia's food independence strategy failed to achieve its own goals; the contribution of agriculture and fishing to gross domestic product (GDP) dropped from 4.9% in 2000 to 2.2% in 2018. Food independence In reaction to calls in certain US media that Washington should impose a food boycott on Saudi Arabia in retaliation for its oil embargo on the United States and the quadrupling of oil prices during the 1973 Arab-Israeli war, Saudi Arabia promoted the notion that wheat independence was necessary to protect the economy and national security. [Extracted from the article]

The Gulf War (1990–1991) had a transformative effect on Saudi Arabia and its society. The war brought major ideological changes and allowed its citizens for the first time to voice critique and concern about economic and social problems. Many studies have highlighted the diverse reactions and dilemmas of Saudi people from the crumbling notion of Arab unity to the emergence of the United States to stop the looming invasion of the Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein. Although there is a plethora of studies about the Gulf War, none of them has investigated how ordinary Saudi citizens experienced the war with all its implications. The paper describes what narratives were used by interviewees in oral history interviews when talking about the war and its effect on their lives, families, and worldview. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Iraqi-Saudi relations witnessed differences between the two countries during the formation of the two countries at the beginning of their establishment until the end of the Baathist regime. The research dealt with these differences from the era of Nuri al-Said until 2003, the end of Saddam Hussein's regime, and also dealt with the course of these differences, which sometimes reached the rupture between the two countries. The course of relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. The study also dealt with the events that took place in the region, which influenced the course of Iraqi-Saudi relations, including the events of Kuwait in 1962 and the Second Gulf War in 1991, which led to the rupture between the two countries. The last years of the Baathist regime witnessed some positive developments in the relationship with Saudi Arabia, The resumption of diplomatic relations between Iraq and Saudi Arabia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the 1991 Gulf War had a deep transformative effect on Saudi Arabia. It aims to analyze the extent to which this war brought about major ideological changes to a society seemingly deemed unchangeable. Through the study of three Saudi novels which drew on this war as a source of creative and political inspiration, this study brings to life Saudi people's discussions, dilemmas, and reactions to the crumbling of the edifice of Arab unity and the emergence of "America" in its place as the "savior" from the evil of Saddam Hussein. We contend that despite resistance from various conservative elements of Saudi society, the winds of change brought by this war could not be resisted. The novels under study skillfully portray the events of this war not as battlefield accounts, but as accounts of a society wrestling with an irresistible wind of change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this study, we document two features that have made Saudi Arabia different from other oil producers. First, it has typically maintained ample spare capacity. Second, its production has been quite volatile even though it has witnessed few domestic shocks. These features can be rationalised in a general equilibrium model in which the oil market is modelled as a dominant producer with a competitive fringe. We show that the net welfare effect of oil tariffs on consumers is null. The reason is that Saudi Arabia's monopolistic rents fall entirely on fringe producers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A large-scale assessment of polycyclic aromatic hydrocarbons (PAHs) from the 1991 Gulf War oil spill was performed for 2002–2003 sediment samples (n = 1679) collected from habitats along the shoreline of Saudi Arabia. Benthic sediment toxicity was characterized using the Equilibrium Partitioning Sediment Benchmark Toxic Unit approach for 43 PAHs (ESBTUFCV,43). Samples were assigned to risk categories according to ESBTUFCV,43 values: no-risk (≤1), low (>1–≤2), low-medium (>2–≤3), medium (>3–≤5) and high-risk (>5). Sixty seven percent of samples had ESBTUFCV,43 > 1 indicating potential adverse ecological effects. Sediments from the 0–30 cm layer from tidal flats, and the >30–<60 cm layer from heavily oiled halophytes and mangroves had high frequency of high-risk samples. No-risk samples were characterized by chrysene enrichment and depletion of lighter molecular weight PAHs, while high-risk samples showed little oil weathering and PAH patterns similar to 1993 samples. North of Safaniya sediments were not likely to pose adverse ecological effects contrary to sediments south of Tanaqib. Landscape and geomorphology has played a role on the distribution and persistence in sediments of oil from the Gulf War. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The COVID-19 outbreak has significantly affected global industrial and transportation markets. Airlines, rails, and cars' industries and their supporting energy sectors have been substantially disrupted by the pandemic. This has resulted in undermined energy demand around the world during 2019 and 2020. The organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) led by Saudi Arabia failed to persuade Russia to cutback oil supplies to deal with the loss of demand from the COVID-19 pandemic. On 8 March 2020, Saudi Arabia announced a raise in its oil production and offered a large discount on its crude oil sales. By April 2020, Saudi Arabia increased its oil production to about 12 million-oil barrels/day. This rise in oil production has not only resulted in the biggest fall in oil prices since the 1991 Gulf War but also increased methane emissions over the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) regions. Here, we report 2019 and 2020 data set of average seasonal methane-mixing ratio retrieved from TROPOspheric Monitoring Instrument (TROPOMI) on board of S5P spacecraft over 19 refineries and oil fields in Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Oman, United Arab Emirates, Qatar, and Bahrain. Low methane emissions were recorded over western and central Saudi Arabia compared to the eastern side of the country. In general, high methane emissions were observed in 2020 compared to 2019 around oil refineries and fields in western, central, and eastern regions of Saudi Arabia as well as over other GCC countries. This could be attributed to the oil high production associated with the oil prices fluctuation during 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Laser-induced breakdown spectroscopy (LIBS) was applied for the detection of toxic metals in oil spill contaminated soil (OSCS). The OSCS samples were collected from Khursania Saudi Arabia along the coast of Persian Gulf exposed to oil spills in 1991 Gulf war. Environmentally important elements like Aluminum Magnesium, Calcium, Chromium, Titanium, Strontium, Iron, Barium, Sodium, potassium, Zirconium and Vanadium from the contaminated soil have been detected. Optimal experimental conditions for analysis were investigated. The LIBS system was calibrated using standard samples containing these trace elements. The results obtained using Laser-Induced Breakdown Spectroscopy (LIBS) were compared with the results obtained using Inductively Coupled Plasma Emission Spectroscopy (ICP). The concentrations of some elements (Ba and Cr) were found higher than permissible safe limits. Health risks associated with exposure to such toxic elements are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: As part of a long-term environmental assessment of the impact of the 1991 Gulf War on coral reefs, the Australian Institute of Marine Science (AIMS) conducted growth and chemistry studies on coral cores from the Arabian Gulf. Twenty-eight cores were collected from four coral reefs located offshore from Saudi Arabia. Annual coral growth bands surrounding the 1991 oil spill were analysed in selected cores. Additionally, in cores that extended to the early 1980s, annual layers from 1980 to 1986 were analysed for possible residues from the 1983–4 oil spill caused by the Nowruz oil field blowout during the Iraq–Iran war. Both major spill events were targeted to provide additional confidence in relating oil concentrations to specific pollution events. We detected petroleum biomarkers in several coral annual bands related to the major pollution events. However, the oil remaining in these cores has been altered over time and the biomarker ratios found in these oil residues differed from Gulf crude oils. The concentrations of hydrocarbons were compared with the growth parameters of the coral cores. Only one sample may have recorded an “impact” of oil exposure. There was no other correspondence between slight changes in growth parameters between years and the trace chemistry. Therefore, chemical analysis enabled detection of the exposure incident, but provided no insight into the amount of oil to which the coral had been exposed. The chemical data can only infer biological impact if growth was significantly decreased. The average coral growth characteristics of Porites from the four sites in the Arabian Gulf were normal, as predicted from the average water temperatures of the region. There was an indication of an overall decline in growth over time, which should be monitored in the future. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article examines the course of US-Saudi relations from the early 1980s to the present day. The focus is on the changing dynamics of the relationship. Although the dynamics were affected by the First Gulf War, the relationship remained strong through to 2001. After 9/11, and especially after the Second Gulf War, a significant rift between the two countries opened up. It is contended that recent moves towards restoring close and cooperative relations are likely to be frustrated by a fundamental dilemma facing the Saudi regime. While the US-Saudi alliance is seen as a key element in maintaining the security of the Saudi state, it also deepens and aggravates the domestic and external security threats from which the regime seeks protection. The regime has found it increasingly difficult to establish a reasonable balance between bolstering its own domestic support, countering international terrorism, playing a regional role that promotes harmony and security in the Gulf and the wider Middle East, and managing the relationship with the US so as to secure the support necessary for the survival of the regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addresses the security challenges facing the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia in the aftermath of the 1991 Gulf War. Regional sources of threat; Trends in the military; Implications of the Gulf War for the kingdom.

In this article, the author focuses on socio-psychological life of American soldiers in a prewar desert environment, based on in-depth interviews with U.S. Army soldiers serving in Saudi Arabia under Operation Desert Shield. Operation Desert Shield placed forces in an unfamiliar environment and an unaccustomed situation. Not only were the soldiers forced to learn to live and work under the harsh conditions imposed by the Saudi desert, but also they were to prepare for combat that, at least in the minds of these soldiers, was clearly imminent. This article reports observations made by two sociologists who had interviewed and lived with some of those soldiers and their wives for a short period of time in November 1990. Because Desert Shield became Desert Storm in January 1991 when the prewar deployment changed to a wartime environment, these observations provide the first sociological research on U.S. soldiers in a forward-deployed status in a precombat situation since Stouffer's classic World War II studies, and the very first research on a U.S. army so deployed that was comprised of volunteers who were integrated with respect to both race and gender.

Discusses the rise of political Islamism in Saudi Arabia. Employment of revivalist Islam as a protest against the secular state authority; Ideological orientation; Relationship between royal power and religious puritanism; Origins of the new Islam; Profile of the Islamist elite; Response of the monarchist regime; Impact of the Gulf war on the changes in the policies of Saudi Arabia.

In this article the author investigates the degree to which regional political relationships as well as domestic political stability have changed as a result of the Gulf War. As the countries of the former Warsaw Pact, Latin America, and elsewhere attempt to democratize, often with American support, the countries of the Gulf, at least on the governmental level, appear largely immune to this trend. This is belied somewhat by popular desires for political liberalization as well as cynicism about America's aims in the region. The political future and stability of this key pan of the world is further complicated by the changing relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia who share a distrust for Iraq if little else. Thus, despite the Gulf War, many of the key issues that have traditionally influenced the Gulf region remain salient even after significant modifications in the status of the regional power- holders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies the assignment of credibility by Saudi Arabian citizens on information sources about the Persian Gulf War of 1991. Reliance of urban residents on international radio news; Placement of trust by rural residents on domestic broadcast media.

The article focuses on the assessment of oil and power after the Gulf War. The cutoff of Kuwaiti and Iraqi oil from world oil markets were costly unpredictable. Saudi Arabia increased its oil production by more than 3 million barrels per day. The temporary increase of prices proved costly in terms of inflation and weakening of American economy into a serious recession. It also evaluates oil as a problem in international politics and political economy, considers the status of oil from Iraq and the Persian Gulf with problems posed that two-thirds of world petroleum reserves are located in the Gulf region, consideration of Iraqi and Saudi oil, and the way in which the global oil system reacted to the crisis, and several policy implications are examined.

The article examines the impact of the Gulf War on the foreign policy in Saudi Arabia. It is said that the Gulf War has made Saudi policymakers more circumspect in the shaping of policy and the selection of foreign aid recipients. The reevaluation of previous policy, particularly in the security realm is the result of war with Iraq. The resurgence of Islamic values combined with continuing economic prosperity is one of the effect of the Gulf War. The country was also able to resist Western political pressure to liberalize.

Examines the status of Saudi Arabian opposition groups following the Second Gulf War. Attribution of historical roots of opposition to groups critical to the Islamic and administrative positions; Problems of economic, leadership and security crises after the second Gulf War; Evolution of combined Islamic and modern concept opposition.

This article argues that creating a new world order would not be easy, mainly because of the fluid political and diplomatic situations in the Soviet, European, and Middle Eastern spheres. In August 1990, ties with the United States were more important to Moscow than its desire to stand with Iraq, a traditional friend. The military is regaining ascendancy in the Soviet power structure, and as Moscow rebuilds its international links, the United States will again seek to contain it in some way. And despite Saddam Hussein's foolishness in attacking Kuwait and creating an issue on which the U.N. Security Council could agree, the crisis forced the world to concentrate on the problems of the Middle East: chemical weapons, rich versus poor Arabs, Islamic fundamentalism, demographic pressures, the undemocratic Arab autocracies, and the Palestinian issue. The perception of the United States as the only superpower produced some piggybacking: Saudi Arabia, Kuwait, Egypt, and Syria are now on board to gain U.S. protection, respectability, and advantage.

This study documents the distribution and abundance of benthic foraminifera living under mangrove litter in a tidal flat along the Al-Freya (Jubail) coast of eastern Saudi Arabia. Ten sample stations with duplicates were collected as part of a Coastal Environments Long-Term Monitoring Program (CLTMP), which is aimed at restoring the Arabian Gulf Coast to the pristine condition that existed before the devastating oil spill that took place during the 1991 Gulf war. During the war, 10.8 million barrels (mbbls) of crude oil from 727 deliberate oil-well blowouts inflicted by the departing Iraqi army entered the Gulf marine environment resulting in massive devastation. This paper revisits two sites designated as remediation and one comparison reference site during the initial Coastal Environments - Remediation and Restoration Program (CE-RRP) conducted in 2009 – 2013. The stations are characterized as hypersaline with a 70-100 psu salinity range measured on a refractometer. Sampling was conducted in the summer of 2018, as such the top 2 cm layer temperature of the sampled sediments was also warm 27–34 degrees C. Generally, low benthic foraminifera diversities and high dominance were recorded at all the sampled stations. Among the living taxa (Rose Bengal Stained), hyaline foraminifera i.e., Ammonia, Elphidium dominated the assemblage followed by porcellaneous forms, mainly Peneroplis. This study is timely because it provides additional tool for the monitoring the progress of the remediation efforts by providing a baseline dataset for future assessment study in the area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports outraged comments from Arizona senator John McCain concerning the General Accounting Office's appraisal of the AH-64 Apache attack helicopter's performance in the Persian Gulf War. "I am sick and tired of these green-eyeshade jerks coming over and interfering with the men and women who are trying to get ready for combat," said Sen. John McCain, an Arizona Republican, expressing outrage at the General. Accounting Office (GAO) investigators who went to Saudi Arabia to observe how the much-criticized Apache helicopter actually performed in the field (Inside the Pentagon April 4,1991). Some results of the GAO's trip, which was approved by the army and the Defense Department, were released in April.