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The author focuses on the changing perception and use of alaases (round shaped meadows in thermocarst depressions) in a Central-Yakutian village community under the effect of global climate change. Households of the local cattle-economy before the collectivisation used to be located at alaases and had used small and disperse hayfields. Subsequent economic reforms in the Soviet era, and the process of decollectivisation (in the 1990s) distanced villagers from alaases. Therefore knowledge on alaas ecotope in the village has radically diminished. In the 21st century environmental changes have had negative effect on the local agriculture and economy. Increase in annual precipitation, and in mean annual temperature resulted in the rapid humidification of permafrost soil, and the degradation of hayfields. Three factors expose today agricultural production in the village to ongoing climatic changes: low level of self-dependency in agricultural production, undiversified production of unprocessed raw material, and the vanishing concepts of local spiritual ecology. The author argues that anthropological research can effectively contribute to the mitigation of losses in Sakha cattle economy by studying traditional methods of land use and the perception of environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The article demonstrates that similar actions and lifestyles of two individuals living in two villages of Yakutia (in Northeastern Siberia) evoke different attitudes in their own communities in accordance with the dissimilar social structures and communicative systems of the villages. The article focuses on the different ways the register of humour is activated and on the dissimilar assessments of extraordinary patterns of behaviour resulting in social embarrassment within the two communities. The case studies show that one of the protagonists of the paper, Konoohoi, is referred to as a funny guy about whom funny stories are circulated, whereas Lögöntöi is much more regarded as as/range person by his fellow villagers. The difference between the integrity of the communities (providing evaluative social talks of different characters in the settlements concerned) results in two different ways of dealing with the social embarrassment caused by extraordinary behaviours. In one of the villages the funny but disparaging anecdotes about such behaviour are embedded in the system of kin-group characterisation, whereas in the other one it would be regarded as more offensive (as a personal attack), since in this setting it is generally not allowed to expose shortcomings in public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]