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Since the end of the Cold War, Russia and the West have engaged in fierce geopolitical competition over the post-Soviet space. Separatism in the post-Soviet space has become a hallmark of their relationship, even an accelerator of contradictions. This paper analyzes Russia's policy evolution towards separatism in the post-Soviet space from the perspective of the interaction between power and norms to grasp the changes in power dynamics and territorial integrity norms in this region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The system-dynamic model elaborates processes for recruiting political elites across Russia's regions from 1985 to 2019. The authors consider several counterfactual scenarios through computational simulations. The first series includes the radical disintegration of Soviet recruitment mechanisms. The second series elaborates the opposite scenario: the gradual evolution/preservation of Soviet continuity. The third series simulates a unique situation where Vladimir Putin abandons his policy for strengthening the "vertical of power." A key finding is that the fight against new threats (crime, corruption, separatism) did not allow the center to realize the impact of traditional existing institutions that had corrosive and destructive power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Confrontation for Years?" discusses the current situation between Russia and Ukraine. Russia has stated the official justification for its invasion of Ukraine as the protection of citizens in the separatist areas of Donbass, as well as self-defense. This has led to international condemnation and condemnation. The United States and other Western countries have imposed sanctions on Russia in order to destabilize and weaken the country economically. At the same time, weapons are being delivered to Ukraine, further fueling the escalation of the conflict. The author raises the question of whether the West will seriously respect the United Nations Charter in the future and whether there is a possibility to maintain and reorganize security and stability in Europe. [Extracted from the article]

Th is article focuses on attitudes towards Russia in Bulgaria and Hungary -- two EU and NATO countries with special relations to Russia -- in the wake of Russia's annexation of Crimea and military intervention in support of separatists in the Donbas region of Eastern Ukraine in 2014 and onwards. We begin by putting the relations to Russia in a historical perspective. We then set out to account for support for Russia with the help of survey data from the Post-Crimea Barometer (2015) -- a unique survey focusing on geopolitical orientation (East versus West) and attitudes towards Russia in Latvia, Hungary and Bulgaria in a post-Crimea setting. Latvia is a special case because of its large Russian minority population; we therefore confine our comparison to Bulgaria and Hungary. Th e fi ndings suggest that long-term attachment to Russia is decisive in Bulgaria. In Hungary, long-term attachment to Russia is important, but not sufficient to account for post- Crimea attitudes towards Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the article is to analyse the phenomenon of security integration of Central Asian states within regional international organisations created around Russia and China. It enabled the authoritarian leaders to lower the cost of maintaining the non-democratic systems. The tactical strategies invented in one country, institutional and legal solutions and mythological constructs were also used by other participants. Moreover, they provided international infrastructure that not only gave external legitimacy to authoritarian regimes, but also served to weaken civil society and eliminate all forms of political competition. The article attempts to answer the questions of how threats were defined within regional integration structures and how international infrastructure was built to combat regional threats such as extremism, terrorism and separatism. Furthermore, preventive strategies at the institutional and legal levels are considered. Finally, the article analyses selected aspects of the so-called cultural prevention, which was intended to combat security threats and ensure regional stability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The term ‘hybrid war' has not been defi ned in the public international law. However, it is commonly used in the media, by politicians and also by academics in scientifi c discourses. The article raises the question of whether it is justifi ed to use the term ʻhybrid war' in reference to the military confl ict in Ukraine. The authors scrutinise to what extent the situation in Ukraine meets the criteria of a ʻhybrid war'. Therefore, they try to defi ne the term and describe its distinctive characteristics. Then, successive developments in Ukraine are analysed and compared with the characteristics. The article focuses on the role of the Dontsk People's Republic and Luhansk People's Republic, and their dependence on the Russian Federation. According to the authors, they are examples of actions conducted by proxies - the so called proxy war. This is the most important proof of the hybrid nature of the confl ict in Ukraine. The authors also consider the responsibility of Russia for the actions of these separatist republics and wonder how to prevent the consequences of this confl ict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of the article is to examine the specifics of the policy of the Russian Federation in establishing the border with the states of the post-Soviet space. The research was carried out on the basis of analysis of documents, information messages and comparative analysis of the received data. The application of these methods has shown that out of the eight post-Soviet states, the process of international legal registration of the state border of the Russian Federation has been completed only with the Republic of Lithuania. There are serious problems with the design of the state border with Georgia. The Russian Federation recognizes the self-proclaimed Abkhazian Republic and the Republic of South Ossetia. It annexed part of the Ukrainian territory - the Autonomous Republic of Crimea, and also intervenes in Ukraine’s internal affairs by constructing and supporting separatism in parts of the Donetsk and Lugansk regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent Russian-Ukrainian dispute over Crimea attracted wide international attention. The purpose of this paper is to explain its historic, demographic, legal, political and military strategic background, its similarities with and differences from other "frozen" conflicts on the periphery of the former Soviet Union, the roles of three main parties directly involved in the Crimean conflict, its linkage with secessionist attempts in Eastern and Southern Ukraine, wider international ramifications of the conflict and the ensuing deterioration of the West's relations with the Russian Federation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transitions from Soviet authoritarianism and planned economies to democracy and market economies have not been successfully completed in any of the three states from South Caucasus. This region continues to be characterized by high instability and insecurity due the absence of solutions to the protracted or „frozen" conflicts between Armenia and Azerbaijan -- over the territory of Nagorno-Karabakh -- and between Georgia and Russia -- over the breakaway regions of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. Finding common ground upon which all parties can agree has proven to be an impossible task. Protracted or „frozen" conflicts present a challenge for the stability and security of South Caucasus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to determine whether a ‘dark side’ exists to Russia’s trust-building in the Black Sea region. An empirical analysis is made of whether, and how, Russia uses soft power to deter democratization by anchoring the promotion of pro-Russian separatism in Crimea to the Russian Black Sea Fleet. It is argued that despite the unavoidable methodological challenges the topic brings with it, one cannot ignore it even in academic research because of its constantly growing empirical importance. A presentation is made of some of the actors and activities that built trust between the Crimean population and Russia by affecting Ukraine’s soft power security. The legitimacy of such activities and the extent to which they may be linked to the post-Soviet political–criminal nexus are also considered. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article examines the role of Russian passports and citizenship in facilitating Abkhazian and South Ossetian separatism in Georgia. It questions Russian leaders' justification of the country's intervention in the August 2008 South Ossetian crisis on the basis of defending co-nationals' human rights, noting the tenuous circumstances under which citizenship was granted and Russian policymakers' general disregard for human rights among non-ethnic russkii groups both domestically and abroad. The rationale for Russian state actions is placed within the desire for geostrategic gain in the former Soviet Union and the restoration of civic national pride. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the political uses of freedom myths in the Chechen separatist ideology between 1991 and 1994. By adopting a constructionist perspective, it shows that these myths could have a pervasive role in a period of deep political crisis. It explores the way myths have been evolving over times. It particularly points out the role of collective memories of past tragic events in reshaping myths and their political significance. From that point onwards it analyses how myths have been included into political rhetoric. Chechen separatist leaders make a linear reading of Russo-Chechen relationships and put forward independence as a necessity. In so doing, the new self-proclaimed independent state represents, beyond political and economic arguments, a 'guaranty for safety'. While the embryonic Chechen state was failing, separatist leaders borrowed from mythology to legitimize the Chechen state and raise the struggle for an independent state to the status of a right and just struggle. This paper demonstrates the strength that the narratives conveyed by myths could have in terms of constructing a common sense to past and present in a period of changes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the significance of precise definition of terrorism and of other socially dangerous phenomena. Overview on terrorism in Russia; Chechen separatist terrorism; Diversity of terminology in the legal acts of the State Duma and the Federation Council of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation.

Investigates the nature and effectiveness of state efforts to justify armed resistance to ethnic secessionism on the 1994-1996 war fought by Russia against Chechnya. Strategies of justification which Russia used against Chechnya; Discussion of mass and elite response to forceful resistance to Chechen separatism; Effectiveness of government appeals to normative principles to justify forceful resistance to Chechen separatism.

Presents a chronicle of the 1992 war between Chisinau and the Dniester Moldavian Republic on the Dniester Left Bank in Russia. Focus on political aspects; Exploration of the conflict's roots; Effective ceasefire in July 1992; Recognition of Moldovan independence; International ramifications.

This article examines the legacy of Russian President Vladimir Putin as he prepares to finish his term in 2008. Russia is much stronger, with a much more robust economy than when Putin assumed power in 2000. At the time, many people believed Russia would split apart into disparate regional states, but he reasserted the federal government and dealt harshly with separatists in Chechnya, even as he curtailed many civil liberties.