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The October Revolution ushered in a radical, future‐orientated political agenda. Almost immediately, through the press, advice literature, activism and avant‐garde planning, a lively discourse on domestic life presented the home as a central site for building this 'new epoch'. The home became the hub of a new and burgeoning Soviet temporality – a professed modern vision of time, which pitched the past against the future, embraced rational time discipline, pictured the world through a progress‐orientated teleology, and stressed mankind's ability to master time itself. While Marx famously refrained from outlining what communism would actually look like, the home and visions of the home provided a very immediate means of picturing the communist future – and how people would occupy it. As historians have started to note, the home became a temporal marker of difference between the self‐identified scourge of 'Russian backwardness' and the future‐orientated promise of Soviet communism. This was the difference between the fatalism and rigidity of old Russia and the intentionally disruptive mobilisation campaigns of the Soviet project. This article examines how visions of a 'new way of life' and modern utopian thinking on the home grounded a future‐orientated revolutionary ideology, making the promise of communism and new temporal understandings of the world tangible in the wake of 1917. But, crucially, drawing on the latest debates about time and temporalities, the article examines how different temporal modes can exist side by side in dynamic form – even in creative tension. Past and future temporalities, it posits, together formed radical Russia's vision of revolutionary time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Simon Clarke played an unrivalled role in the intellectual trajectory of his former students and significantly shaped the research and the field of sociology in post-Soviet Russia. While his work appears comprised of two distinct lines of inquiry, the essential unity of Simon's intellectual project may be appreciated by zooming in on the factors that motivated the entirety of his work, such as ethical orientation and a desire to understand the mediations of social relations and tensions between capitalism and freedom, autonomy, self-determination and dignity. Whether studying the political economy of 'post-Fordist' global capitalism, the class composition of post-colonial South Africa, the development of workers' movements in post-socialist states, or the relationship between capital as a social relation and the state as a form of contradictory expression of its class character constituted through struggle, there is a unity of purpose in Simon's work. In this article, I reflect on the above through a personal reflection of a former doctoral student. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keynesianism, Monetarism, and the Crisis of the State is perhaps Simon's greatest intellectual and political contribution. This article sets the book in the context of his teaching at Warwick and the development of his thought through Marx, Marginalism and Modern Sociology to the publication of Keynesianism. Building on his analysis of the ideological dimensions of classical political economy, Simon set himself the ambitious task of grasping the coherence and complexity of the relationship between economics, politics and ideology in the crisis-ridden development of capitalism. In so doing, he developed a work of immense significance fusing conceptual and empirical analysis to produce a devastating critique of social democracy, neoliberalism and reformism. Although read widely within Conference of Socialist Economists circles, Keynesianism has not achieved the recognition it clearly deserves. Post-Keynesianism, Simon extended his analysis to worker organisation in Russia and beyond. His theoretical and empirical work on capitalism in all its forms offers a unique and enduring contribution to everyone interested in socialism and the limits of reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contributions to the Forum refer to Simon Clarke's 'two stages of the same project', as Clarke explained regarding Marx's work. They make apparent that Clarke's initial intellectual contributions to the critique of political economy, form analysis, value theory, theory of the state and money were essential to his later understanding of the collapse and metamorphosis of the former URSS State Socialism into a capitalist form, and his analysis of the political implications of such transformation on labour relations, working-class interests and class struggle in Russia, other Eastern European countries, China, and Vietnam. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses Marx's conviction that the expansion of the capitalist mode of production was a basic prerequisite for the birth of communist society. It overviews this idea through the whole of Marx's oeuvre, from his early political writings to the studies of the last decade. Particular relevance is given to the analysis of Capital and its preparatory manuscripts, where Marx highlighted in depth the fundamental relationship between the productive growth generated by the capitalist mode of production and the preconditions for the communist society for which the workers' movement must struggle. Finally, the article shows that in the end of his life—for example when he studied the possible developments of the rural commune (obshchina) in Russia—Marx did not change his basic ideas about the profile of future communist society, as he sketched it from the Grundrisse on. Guided by hostility to schematism he thought it might be possible that the revolution would break out in forms and conditions that had never been considered before. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Soviet science fiction, neither time travel nor alternate history proved to be particularly popular; one of the reasons is likely related to their obvious rejection of Marx's materialist conception of history. Among the few exceptions is the novel Goluboj Čеlovek ('The Blue Man') by Lazar' Lagin (1964), a backwards time travel story which uses chronotravel as main motif and whose protagonist is not a typical alternate history progressor but a conductor of Communist ideas. In Lagin's novel, the natural unfolding of history, an evolutionary process which create the conditions for a Communist society to emerge, replaces the theme of righting the wrongs of history. Although Goluboj Čеlovek resembles a historical novel in some respects, it differs in that the narrative revolves around time splitting, and more specifically history splitting into two extrapolating timelines, which is a common feature of alternate history. The constant contrast between pre-revolutionary Russia (the author situates the action in the year 1894) and the ussr (1959) provides the background context for Lagin to demonstrate the supremacy of socialism. Following the early tradition of alternate history, this novel combines aspects of some genres of pulp fiction (for instance, adventure novel, love story, and secret history) and fantasy/fairytale. Written during the Thaw period, this work satirises both the tsarist Russia and the USSR. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Uneven and Combined Development uniquely incorporated societal multiplicity into Marxist theory. So why did its first application end in Stalinist dictatorship? This paper seeks an answer by turning the idea back on itself, applying it first to Trotsky's doctrine of 'permanent revolution' and then to Marx's original idea of revolution. Trotsky hoped that Russia's 'revolution of backwardness' would be rescued by 'advanced' revolutions in the West, modelled on the French revolution. But what if – as this paper argues – that event too was ultimately a 'revolution of backwardness'? Two implications follow. First, Trotsky's 'permanentist' strategy was logically flawed: if all modern revolutions have been internationally-generated catch-up revolutions, then the idea of Bolshevism being rescued by 'advanced revolutions' elsewhere fails. But second, the consequences of multiplicity reach even deeper than Trotsky realized: they underlie and explain the original political formation, and troubled history, of revolutionary Marxism itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The reprint of Late Marx and the Russian Road on the 200th anniversary of Karl Marx's birth offers a valuable opportunity to discuss the impact of this path-breaking miscellaneous volume on Marx scholarship. The first aim of this paper is to highlight the original approach of the work, which looked at Marx's views on Russia from a different perspective to those of previous studies. This paper then deals with the main criticism raised by critics regarding the line of argument advanced in the book. Emphasis is placed on two aspects: (1) the debate over whether Marx believed in the possibility of socialist development in Russia without a proletarian revolution in the Western countries; (2) the argument that the shifts in Marx's perspective after 1870 were not limited to his writings on the Russian question, which were part of a wider rethink of the political forms suitable for the emancipation of labour from capitalist exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper consists of two parts. In the first part, the emission was generated in air, and the waveform recording the spectral line at 337 nm (= prominent N2 laser line) was noted. The pulse forming network (PFN) Marx generator having a large ($50~\Omega$) internal impedance was used. The pulses of the nitrogen emission at 337.1 nm of long ($< 3~\mu \text{s}$) duration and of short (≈10 ns) duration were obtained. The photodiode registered both the spontaneous emission and the stimulated (laser) emission in the 337 ± 5 nm spectral range. The data show that the laser emission predominates in the pulses of long duration. In the second part of this paper, it is suggested that the ultraviolet (UV) radiations emitted by the sun, together with the electric fields present at high altitudes, are capable of exciting the N2 molecules to the upper excited $\text{C}^{3}\Pi _{u} $ level to yield the laser emission of long duration. On the basis of the laser energy content dissipated into the plasma, the size of the transient luminous events (TLEs) known as the elves and the sprites was evaluated. The dynamics of initially small size, highly compressed, and very hot plasma formed inside the sprite was presented. It is proposed that the TLEs named “crepuscular twilight in the sky of New York” observed on December 28, 2018; “mysterious bright flash” occurred in Russia on January 9, 2018; and maybe the Tunguska event happened in Siberia on the morning of June 30, 1908 should be included in the list of the TLEs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his late writings, Marx speculated that Russia could bypass the 'necessary' stages that had defined the economic history of Western Europe. By appropriating the positive results of capitalism without traversing through the phase of negativity which produced them, the Russian commune, he claimed, could transition directly into communism. Kevin Anderson's Marx at the Margins (Anderson, 2010) defends the mistaken interpretation that Marx extended this possibility to all precapitalist societies that he studied at the time. This sort of 'multilinearity' universalizes the path of development open to Russia, understating the historical context and specific social relations which, Marx argued, enabled such a transformation. Aside from its European context, the distinguishing mark of this commune was its 'dualism' - a feature that endowed it with greater 'historical initiative.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the question of Georgii Plekhanov's contributions to Marxist revolutionary strategy. It argues that the strategy Plekhanov proposed in Our Differences (1885) was very different from the one he had earlier proposed in Socialism and Political Struggle (1883). Plekhanov pretended to model his Russian policies on the Communist Manifesto's policies for Germany in the mid-nineteenth century. However, in proposing that Russia's democratic revolution was to be followed by a protracted period of capitalist economic development, Plekhanov was in fact taking Marxism in a new direction. Plekhanov was the first Marxist to have rejected Marx's scenario of social revolution by numerically small proletariats and to have predicated the proletarian revolution on the proletarianisation of the majority of the population and integral industrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The author discusses Herzen's "liberal socialism" and later adoption of "communal peasant socialism," comparing his views with those of Marx, Engels, and Chernyshevskii. He shows how Herzen and his legacy influenced the evolution and eventual abandonment of populist ideas in Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the author discusses Marxism in Russia with reference to the life of philosophist Karl Marx. Liberation of a man is mentioned in relation to position of Marx. The text of related to Marx "Capital" and "The Grundisse" are discussed along with philosophical significance, intellectual stature and political doctrines.

The article aims to provide evidence suggesting that German philosopher Karl Marx's "Capital" was not analytically complete and that he continued to investigate the social relations of land particularly in Russia. It notes that as he studied the social relations of land in Russia, he started refining some of his earlier views about capital written in volume 1 of "Capital." It showed that "Capital" has always been intended to be but the first of Marx's publications in his critique of capitalism.

The article discusses the reinvention and revival of the tradition of social democracy in the case of Australia for the 21st century. It argues that economist Karl Marx and most of his followers were mistaken when they promoted the idea that changing ownership of the means of production is the indispensable element to radical social change. The author mentions that the experience of the government of Russia in terms of eliminating capitalist property failed to serve the broader process of emancipation.

The article examines influences that the social and political ideologies of German philosopher Karl Marx have on Russia and ways in which Russian scholars have addressed his work. Marxist theory was one of the major elements underlying the establishment of the United Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR), with the official state ideology being Marxism-Leninism. While it is attested that Western society views Russian citizens as either subscribing to this ideology or being critical dissidents, the author urges that the social dynamic is much more complex. The role of Marxism within an independent Russian state is discussed.

The article focuses on the subject of nature and nihilism in the environmental literature and law in Soviet Union. It cites that the negative image of Soviet Union concerning the environment is one of the degradation of the ecology. According to philosopher Karl Marx, a resolution of the conflict between man and nature is offered by communism through the elimination of private property rights and the creation of a new political structure. The author notes that the literature has been one of the significant channels of ecological thought in the country.

Georgii Plekhanov is often credited with being the 'father of Russian Marxism'. He was not, however, the first Russian Marxist. That distinction belongs to Nikolai Ivanovich Sieber (Ziber), whose dissertation on Marx's economics appeared in 1871, the year before the Russian translation of Das Kapital, and introduced Plekhanov's generation of Russian revolutionaries to Marxist ideas. Sieber's work was then given a prominent endorsement in the second edition of Das Kapital, wherein Marx praised the depth of understanding Sieber had displayed of his economic theory. In view of this, one might consider that Sieber should be regarded as a dominant figure in the history of Marxism in Russia but, in fact, he is seldom mentioned by historians - and, when he is, it is generally cursorily and dismissively. The purpose of this article, therefore, is to examine the interrelationship of Sieber and Marx and to place Sieber's writings in the context of the emergence of the Russian conception of Marxism at the end of the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay describes the Karl Marx School of the English Language, a reading group of artists and intellectuals based in Moscow. It explores the backgrounds and details of their reading practice, going into particular detail concerning the “Theses on Feuerbach.” It also discusses the implications of the reading group's transformation into an art project. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines Marxist concept of socialism and real socialism. Theoretical discussion on whether socialist system in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republic (USSR) was real socialism; Socialist system outlined by Marx and Engels; Factors that led to the collapse of the socialist system; Impact of the scientific and technological revolution on the socialist system in the USSR and other countries.

El artículo habla del marxismo y las posibilidades del socialismo en Cuba. Cuando Marx y Engels crearon la idea de una sociedad comunista, no imaginaron la forma que tomaría en países como Rusia, China o Cuba. A fines del siglo XIX y al principio del siglo XX, algunos líderes, como Diego Vicente Tejera y Carlos Baliño intentaron a fundar partidos socialistas. Durante los años 20, había una lucha contra la república neocolonial para el triunfo del socialismo cubano.

I present the scope and characteristics of Marx's interest in Russia and review its evolution. Initially, Marx's attitudes were marked by russophobia, pronounced anti-panslavism, assessments of Russia as an outpost of European reaction and counterrevolution, and even as the head of a conspiracy to block the world revolution. With time, however, Marx came to consider Russia as the country in which the outbreak of the Revolution was most likely. In his research for sucessive volumes of Capital , he read Russian theoretical works by, among others, V. Bervi-Flerovskij and A. Koshelev. Marx's attitudes to the anticipated peasant revolution in Russia remained ambivalent; to a certain degree he feared its occurrence suspecting that it could take on an `asiatic' hue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on a discussion about capitalism. Development of capitalism in Russia; Why socialism in s attractive to rural industrial regions during the early part of the 20th century; How Karl Marx regard capitalism.

The Russian Revolution of 1917 was intended to create an egalitarian society as envisioned by Karl Marx. However, an elite class, the ‘nomenklatura’, assumed control of the Soviet Union until its dissolution in 1991. There are generally two types of revolutions; one that fundamentally redistributes a societies resources, and a second that leaves the elite largely intact. Data from survey research are used to construct an empirical portrait of privileges enjoyed by the nomenklatura and the continuance of such advantages. The authors find that the end of Communist Party rule was of a type leaving elites intact, enabling them to control the amount and rate of systemic change. The Russian Revolution of 1917 was intended to create an egalitarian society as envisioned by Karl Marx. However, an elite class, the ‘nomenklatura’, assumed control of the Soviet Union until its dissolution in 1991. There are generally two types of revolutions; one that fundamentally redistributes a societies resources, and a second that leaves the elite largely intact. Data from survey research are used to construct an empirical portrait of privileges enjoyed by the nomenklatura and the continuance of such advantages. The authors find that the end of Communist Party rule was of a type leaving elites intact, enabling them to control the amount and rate of systemic change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses various historical aspects related to revolutions. It states that a revolution should not always be marked as negative, in terms of immediate reality. Revolutionary politics is entirely dominated by plans for seizure of power by the commoners, the theory being conceived by social philosopher Karl Marx, as a result of increasing proletarianization. In this context the Russian Revolution has been taken into account, in which the proletarian party succeeded to seize power by overthrowing an autocratic regime. Characteristics of the proletariat have been discussed. Further the article characterizes the revolutionary situation and the modern revolution by determining the features of classical revolution.

Two sets of Russian messianisms, religious and revolutionary, have many similar, if not identical, characteristics, and both have immensely contributed to the dominant cultural values in the Soviet Union today. In doctrine and in structure, the revolutionary movements were profoundly influenced by the religious messianism and also consistently exhibited an impressive number of undeniably religious characteristics. Both sets served very important functions in the social change surrounding the events of 1917. Paradoxically, then, the new rulership after the November 1917 coup-d'etat did not need Karl Marx or any other Western ideologist to convince their subjects of the messianic religion-like quality of monism and collectivism leading to the inevitable salvation of the millennium through twain cosmogony and other eschatological means. The Russian cultural heritage was much more congenial and, for the purpose of legitimizing the not-so-new system, vastly superior than anything Rousseau, Saint-Simon, Comte or Marx could offer. It appears then that the non-Russian Communist-ruled nations in Eastern Europe (and perhaps China) are rejecting precisely the Russian cultural heritage represented in the messianisms when they are rebelling against the Russian domination in their own cultures (or countries). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports on the removal of the study on the theories of Karl Marx, Friedrich Engels and Vladimir Lenin in primary schools as mandated by the Communist Party Central Committee Moscow, Russia. The committee has also taken precautionary measures on the study of theories in the secondary schools. The action was in line with the general reaction of Soviet educational methods.