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The article, part of a special section on the resurgence of Russia, discusses the transition from communism to capitalism in the post-Soviet era. The failure of the neoliberal reforms of the "Washington Consensus," implemented under President Boris Yeltsin, is discussed, including the lack of expected wealth creation and economic or social stability. The move away from "chaotic capitalism" to a more corporatist, statist model under President Vladimir Putin is then discussed. Other topics discussed include elite consensus, capital accumulation, and the role of international agencies and Western governments.

The paper considers the social basis of voting in the First Russian Duma. Ideological division is shown to have been extremely strong on left - right issues. Unlike other studies, which have focused on the link between electoral voting and party choice, the paper shows that deputies' voting is also linked to social structure. Voting by deputies elected from party lists (who were more right wing in voting) is distinguished from those elected on a single constituency mandate. Three social and seven socio-economic indexes are constructed and correlated with the voting of deputies from 89 regions. There is a clustering of constituencies: The more rural and working class the area, the higher the deputies' left wing vote; conversely, the larger cities elected deputies who were more right wing. The former areas are characterized by loss-making enterprises with a lowly educated and unemployed workforce, which in turn were correlated with high levels of poverty, relatively little foreign investment and low disposable wage levels. Right wing voting deputies came from regions with greater foreign investment, where enterprises had a large proportion of employees with higher education and where there was less unemployment and poverty. It is contended that anti-reform voting was a consequence of opposition to the effects of Yeltsin's reform programme. Duma deputies consistently voted in parliament on issues that had an affinity with their constituency base. Russian politics has an ideological basis with a distinct social class base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines the transformation of Russia in terms of company structure, economic outcomes and patterns of social integration. Description of different models of capitalism based on a comparative political economy; Presence of perverse chaotic social formation in the economy; Importance of shifting the policy towards a state-led negotiated type of capitalist system.

It is contended that study of 'the nomenklatura' is a poor indicator of élite change in post-communist society; that current analysis of the 'nomenklatura as political élite' is inconclusive and methodologically unsound; that neither a 'circulation' nor a 'reproduction' of political élites can be determined from the reproduction of the 'old nomenklatura'. While the nomenklatura was not unitary, not monolithic and not a political élite, it is considered -- following Mosca -- to be a political class with different political constituencies. It is argued that the values and outlook of élites are crucial in understanding the extent of political change. Moreover, the paradigm of élite change should be analysed in terms of élite differentiation, political values, political culture and ideological affinity. Based on original interview research with members of the Gorbachev and Eltsin political élites, it is shown that the élite structure is unstable and divided and political outcomes are likely to be authoritarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the basis of personal interviews with 116 members of the political élite of the USSR in its terminal period, conclusions are drawn about influence on political power and reasons for the breakdown of the political system. Unlike democratic transitions grounded on negotiation, the collapse of the USSR was a consequence of a fragmented and highly divided political élite lacking in political and moral cohesion. The driving forces of political change came from within the Party leadership which believed the system to be fundamentally flawed whereas other groups in the ruling élite considered it to be essentially sound. In the absence of a firm political base for radical reform, foreign Western leaders are shown to have been sought as allies for change. In turn their perceived influence exacerbated élite dissension. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the role of the elite class in the process of political change in Russia. Kinds of political transitions; Effects of the shift to democracy; Interests influencing government policies; Factors contributing to the major impetus for a Western political system.

The article presents a detailed study of the social background and antecedents of the political and economic elites in Russia. It highlights the analysis of the political category nomenklatura as political elite which is not putting an end to doubt or question. It notes that nomenklatura can be considered a political class with competing political groups and its traditional functions collapsed as the society moved from the axes of mechanical to organic solidarity. It notes that the political class is the general concept from which the governing elite is recruited.

To determine the circulation and recruitment of the political elites in power after the collapse of the USSR, the authors analyse the background of the members of the Yeltsin political elites. The notion that there has been a 'recirculation' of the nomenklatura is rejected. It is concluded that, although a significant minority of persons holding middle positions in the former Soviet elite has been recirculated in and promoted to particular segments of the new political elite, the previous Soviet ruling elite has been largely destroyed. The study reveals significant differences from the traditional Soviet elite. It is contended that an 'ascendant elite' with professional 'intelligentsia' status has come to power in crucial sectors of the political system ensuring a circulation of elites. The authors conclude that the old 'political class' is being replaced by an ascendant 'acquisition class' and the conjuncture of these two groups constitutes the basis of a fragmented ruling elite structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]