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Aeneid's Book 8 offers a large version of Roman History from the beginnings of Janus and Saturnus to Accius' battle. Historic account is developed in two episodes: Evander and Aeneas' tour through Palanteum and the description of Vulcanus' shield. Both episodes can be taken as ekphrasis and the hypothesis of this paper considers that both must be read in a complementary way in order to assume that Virgilian proposal about history, unlike Livius, consists of a series of foundations written on the memory of Roman natural and urban geography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we analyze an excerpt from Book VIII of the Aeneid in which the Trojan hero visits the site of the future Rome, where he is welcomed by Evander, the Greek, founder of Palanteum, when the arcades celebrated the passage of Hercules through Lazio. From the banks of the Tiber to the Palatine Hill, Evander leads the Trojan guest through spaces that were familiar to the public of the epopee. Based on the hermeneutical historical procedure, we problematize the poet’s choices in compiling a number of foundational narratives that put forward, in turn, an aetiology of the monuments and religious spaces of the urbs: Ara Maxima, Lupercal, Porta Carmentalis, Capitoline Hill. Different from travel narratives, the poetic construction of Rome in book 8 assembles aspects of a variety of temporalities of the same city. In order to understand the topographical references of Aeneid, our study encompasses, in addition to the hermeneutic and exegetical analysis of the Latin text, sources contemporary to Virgil, such as the works of Livy, Dionysius of Halicarnassus, as well as data provided by archeology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues against the use of the word Paris in place of creat in lines 702-706 of Virgil's "Aeneid." According to the author, claims of redundancy in the line is unfounded since repetition of thoughts and the parallel use of synonyms are common techniques used by Virgil and by most Latin poets. He asserts that it is almost impossible for regular scribes to have deliberately omitted Paris to replace it with creat since Virgil is largely revered by the Romans. He concludes that creat is the term used in the original "Aeneid."

This article discusses the failure of the schematization of Jupiter and Juno in the poem "Aeneid" to account most of the data. It attempts to correct the distorted or incomplete insights of Jupiter through each of his appearance in the poem. It looks at the speeches of Jupiter in illustrating his motivations and demonstrates their confirmation. It also discusses the effects of Jupiter's portrait of Rome and human happiness.

Much has been written on the various aspects of casus belli in Aeneid 7, but the setting of the episode (in which Ascanius shoots a stag with great horns) remains unclear. This paper proposes a new reading of this crucial juncture by situating it on the river Tiber and contextualizing the fluvial setting within the wider structure of books 7-9. The role of the Tiber is significant because the Italian landscape is a major theme in the second half of the epic and the Tiber features in several key episodes, e.g. Tiberinus appears to Aeneas and directs him to the site of Rome. The history of the river is tied up with the larger history of early Latium. The river shares many affinities with the stag in terms of legal status, visual representation, and mythic significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examines ways in which Virgil accords significance to Iulus in the fourth 'Aeneid' as his father's son and heir. Justification of Aeneas' decision to leave Carthage; Speeches of Mercury and Aeneas which frame Dido's complaint of childlessness; Location of the relationships between Aeneas, Iulus and Dido in the context of a dispute about heirship and paternity.

Discusses wordplay in the epic poem 'Aeneid,' by Virgil. Invitation of comparison between Venus and two Harpalyces; Suggestion that the Thracian Harpalyce was swift; Identification of the swift woman; Reinforcement of the same message through opposite examples.

Focuses on Bovillae as the turning point of the character Nisus at the climax of the night episode of book nine of Virgil's epic poem 'Aeneid.' Etymological pun indicating the identity of the site; Attempts that have been made to identify Nisus' turning-point as a site within a plausible running distance of the Trojan camp; Enhancement of the sense of what is at stake in Nisus' choice.

The fifth scene represented on the Shield of Aeneas describes Porsenna's siege of Rome and the resistance of the Romans, with the two classic exempla of Horatius Cocles and Cloelia (Verg. Aen. 8.646–51): nec non Tarquinium eiectum Porsenna iubebat accipere ingentique urbem obsidione premebat; Aeneadae in ferrum pro libertate ruebant. illum indignanti similem similemque minanti aspiceres, pontem auderet quia uellere Cocles 650 et fluuium uinclis innaret Cloelia ruptis. According to Roman mainstream tradition, at the beginning of the Republic, Porsenna, an Etruscan king of Clusium, tried to reinstate the exiled Tarquinius Superbus by besieging Rome, but the heroism of Romans such as Horatius Cocles, C. Mucius Scaevola and Cloelia impressed him so much that he decided to give up the siege and make peace with his enemies. He then sent his army against the Latins and was finally defeated at the battle of Aricia by the joint forces of the Latin League and their allies from Cumae. However, there circulated also less flattering versions of the story: Tacitus (Hist. 3.72, Porsenna dedita urbe) hints at the fact that the Romans had in fact surrendered to Porsenna, and Pliny refers to a humiliating treaty imposed on them by the Etruscan king (HN 34.139). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines Virgil's use of rhetorical topos known as translatio studii et imperii (the transferal of culture and empire) in his epic Aeneid. This topos, a literary strategy whereby an author borrows from and adapts the cultural and political authority of one culture for his own political, historical, or aesthetic purposes, is utilized by Virgil to construct a national identity for Rome on par with that of ancient Greece. Virgil achieves such political ends by creating distinct parallels between his hero Aeneas and the princeps Augustus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Discusses the Roman poet Virgil's insistence on the detail of the 'bullae' in his epic poem 'Aeneid.' Use of bullae as distinctive markers that were worn around the neck to symbolize the wearer's youth; Lack of a specific reason given the bullae in the recognition of Pallas.

Discusses the Roman poet Virgil's insertion of his name in the epic poem 'Aeneid.' Use of an acrostic; Virgil's model for technopaignia in his Alexandrian predecessors; Interspersed words' function as autobiographical details; Virgil's linking of his name with the poetical topic of 'pastores.'

The Aeneid rarely credits women for their essential role in preserving and sustaining the peoples who would become Rome. This Irigaray-inspired reading, however, glimpses fleeting acknowledgment in the gender-bending sexual interaction between Venus and Vulcan at Aeneid 8.370–406, followed by the god’s comparison to a Roman housewife as he produces weapons for Aeneas in a uterine cave (8.407–453). As a metaliterary representation of the epic and Roman history, Aeneas’s shield reproduces similar phallocentric biases as the Aeneid. Yet its narrative “birth” from a commingling of feminine and masculine energies and elements alludes to women’s foundational role in creating Rome and the conditions for historical action, even as it colludes in their erasure from masculine versions of truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines poetic processes of Christianization of landscapes in and around Rome, viewed through the lenses of Prudentius's Peristephanon 11 and Vergil's Aeneid 8. Placing these works in conversation, this essay explores resonances in the two poets' imaginative usages of movement as a method to guide their audiences' understandings and experiences of Rome's landscapes. Further texture is added through attention to how movement creatively intersects with different forms and expressions of violence and of the divine in both poems. From the (literally) tortured travels of the early Christian martyr Hippolytus to Aeneas's journeys across time and place in a mytho-historic Italy, both Prudentius and Vergil weave together movement, violence, and the sacred into instructive tapestries for their respective audiences. Rather than simply rehashing Vergilian themes with a Christian veneer, however, Prudentius places himself in creative dialogue with his poetic predecessor to offer his audience a distinctly Christianizing vision of Rome's history and landscapes. Writing in a period marked by the possibilities and pitfalls of a Roman world in flux, Prudentius anchors his audience in the venerable past of Roman epic while striding forward into the brave new world of a Christian Roman Empire. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The juxtaposition of the Catalogue of Heroes and Anchises' presentation of the fate of souls immediately preceding it in Book 6 of the Aeneid is a meaningful one. Building on Feeney"s 'paradox' regarding the juxtaposition, this paper reinterprets the Catalogue by way of extrapolating from Anchises' speech possibly profound implications regarding Rome's future heroes. The problem is that that speech is ambiguous. Drawing on different Greek eschatological models for help in discerning the metaphysical interpretive possibilities of Anchises' portrait, I show that the Greek rubrics do not in fact solve but contribute to the ambiguity of the passage. But they contribute in a meaningful way by rerouting the line of inquiry away from attempting either to pinpoint a singular philosophical influence or to determine once and for all what a soul's fate is. Rather we are invited to reflect on how the very vagueness functions. This paper posits that reading Anchises' speech through each of the philosophical models leads us to question whether Rome's future heroes were so bright after all. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article discusses the poem "Aeneid" which was written to establish the connection between Roman emperor Augustus and the gods and justify the Roman imperial expansion. It states that the poem articulates what the potential for the Roman empire might be. It mentions that the poem offers glimpses of complex web of contingencies that engages beauties of the new land at Carthage and sorrow of Troades on Sicily.

Discusses the significance of the name of the doctor Iapyx in Virgil's poem 'Aeneid.' Roman audience's association of 'pyx' with the word 'pyxis'; Medical connotations of 'pyxis.'

This article identifies and traces a systematic correspondence between the "Circe" episode of Joyce's Ulysses and the sixth book of Virgil's Aeneid. The allusion culminates in a parallel between the appearance of the ghost of Bloom's son Rudy at the end of "Circe" and the appearance of the ghost of Augustus' heir Marcellus at the end of Aeneid 6. Both Rudy and Marcellus, while alive, represented great hope for the future, but both tragically died young and their ghosts serve as reminders of disappointed optimism. The correspondence between Rudy and Marcellus politicizes the ghost of Bloom's son, aligning him with the dead heir to the Roman Empire. By making Rudy not only a dead son, but also a dead heir, "Circe" uses the politics of Roman imperial succession as represented in the Aeneid to address the problem of succession following the Irish war of independence. In the midst of the optimism of the anti-colonial revolution, the ghosts of Rudy and Marcellus haunt Ireland with the uncertainty of succession and the specter of future violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discusses the significance of the death of Turnus in the destiny of Aeneas in Virgil's epic poem 'Aeneid.' Virgil's account of the treaty violation; Development and reversal of near-disasters; View of Turnus as a sacrificial victim; Hint at the idea that Turnus is responsible for his own death in an act of self-sacrifice on behalf of his people.

This article talks about single combat in ancient Rome during the time of Augustus as illustrated in the "Aeneid," an epic by Vergil which focuses on the adventures of Aeneas after the Trojan War. It discusses the confusing world of spolia opima single combats mentioned in the Aeneid and Vergil's use of the functionalist method in presenting the poetic treatment of a cultural tradition. The religious qualifications of the spolia opima combats and the religio-military or cultic rites presented in the epic are also discussed.

This article collects various passages of the Pharsalia in which Lucan alludes to the apparition of Hector's mutilated shade, portrayed by Aeneas in Aeneid 2 as deeply changed from the relentless hero of the Iliad , and uses it as a model for the tragic fall from glory that republican Rome and Pompey have undergone throughout the civil war. Following up on metapoetic interpretations of Aeneas' dream, it is then argued that in the Pharsalia , too, Hector's ghost functions as an intertextual marker flagging up the Virgilian model, and symbolises the transition from a type of epic aimed at celebrating the winners to Lucan's epic of the losers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Horace Ode 4.15 names the Augustan Age, defining a bounded period of history by reference to Augustus' mortal lifespan (aetas). By contrast, poetry's command of immortality gives the poet, not the princeps, ultimate control of the meaning of aetas Augusta. But Horace undermines the suggestion that his own poetry will forever define and represent the Augustan Age. Ode 4.15 in fact projects the Aeneid, or a sanitized version of it, as the Roman people's everlasting hymn in praise of Augustus and his age. This gesture of demurral is anticipated in the poem's opening recusatio of a Virgilian-style epic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

“Revisited” in the title of this paper references an earlier paper of mine (“On Creusa, Dido, and the Quality of Victory in Vergil’s Aeneid” [1981]), in which I attempt to decipher the meaning of Aeneas’s leaving dead women behind (Creusa vanishes, Dido commits suicide) in his process of establishing the future Rome. As my reading has been contested, I take this opportunity to refine and expand my prior argument, focusing on Aeneas’s pietas as it affects his actions with both Creusa and Dido as well as with combatants on the battlefield. Aeneas evades responsibility for actions of his own that, though they advance the Roman mission, are at some level of his consciousness ethically questionable. The first of these is losing Creusa. The last and most famous is Aeneas’s killing of Turnus, while proclaiming that it is “Pallas, Pallas who ‘sacrifices’ him.” Vergil heroizes pius Aeneas for his successes in the mission of founding what will become Rome, but hints at the limitations of pietas, the constitutive Roman cultural value, as a template for moral action. In this process he shows (but does not endorse) how Creusa’s and Dido’s humanity is undervalued or ignored by both men and gods as they are represented in the text. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Book VI of the Aeneid, Virgil used bees to lgure human spirits in the Underworld. This was not the earliest association of bees with death and the afterlife, but it was the lrst such link in European literature. Virgil's bees lgured those spirits who would become Aeneas' descendants, future citizens of Rome. This moment in Pagan mythology had a remarkable literary afterlife in the work of (among others) Dante, Milton, Tennyson, Browning, C.G. Rossetti, and Michael Field, for each of whom (according to his or her religious faith) the bees were variously linked with Christ, Lucifer, France, Rome, the Saints, and both personal and national spiritual transition. Elucidating apian allusions in these poets' works, I explain how the bees became poetical lgures for social and spiritual upheaval (at once dangerous and creative) and for the vital presence of the non-human (or angelic) in spiritual life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The urban development of Rome (Italy) has been intertwined with the dynamics of the Tiber River since its foundation. In this review paper, we analyse more than 2500 years of flood history and urban development to untangle the dynamics of flood risk and assess the resulting socio-hydrological phenomena. Until the 1800s, urban dwellers living in the riparian areas of the Tiber River were accustomed to frequent flooding. From the 1900s, the construction of flood walls reshaped the co-evolution of hydrological, economic, political, technological, and social processes. As a result, while the probability of flooding is currently very low, its potential adverse consequences would be catastrophic. From the analysis of the long-term feedback between urban development of Rome and flood events from ancient times to present days, it emerges the crucial need for an effective flood risk mitigation strategy that combines structural and non-structural measures. In particular, heightened flood risk awareness and preparedness to cope with rare but potentially devastating events is key to alleviate flood risk., (© 2024. The Author(s).)

Pietro Aretino was a particularly frequent commentator on the catastrophic 1527 Sack of Rome by the Spanish, German and Italian troops of Charles V. This article examines one of his most extended, and curious, responses to the Sack: the explicit parody of Virgil's Books I‐IV of The Aeneid that opens Day Two of his Dialogo. The episode features a satirical Cinquecento take on the story of Aeneas and Dido: a despicable baron who escaped Rome and a ruling lady in whom his tale of the city's fall stoked a desire that ultimately resulted in her abandonment and suicide. Commentary on these pages has centred especially on the Didonian scenes of the lady's laments and Aretino's explicit acknowledgement of his having 'filched' them from Virgil's Book IV. The baron's account of the Sack, in contrast, often has been summarized as a mere attempt – largely ineffective – to offer readers a conveniently contemporary equivalent to Aeneas's narration of the fall of Troy in Books II and III. This article argues instead that the baron's description is pointedly unVirgilian and draws on another body of unheroic texts: publications, including Aretino's own, on the Sack that circulated in its aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Aedes Herculis Musarum (AHM), embodying musical harmony, was a symbolic focal point for political concordia at Rome. The treatment of its cult honorands in high poetry also embraces Juno Regina, whose contemporary temple was adjacent to the AHM. Juno (as Moneta) and the Muses are further associated in the function of "memory," and Juno, when offended, is susceptible to musical propitiation. The AHM is prominently identified with concord and Junonian reconciliation at the end of the Fasti, and in the Aeneid,Vergil evokes his Muse's Roman cult identity in exploring Juno's hostility towards the "Herculean" Aeneas, as also when he foreshadows her assent to the existence of Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on two allusions to Vergil in the opening of the third book of Phaedrus' Aesopic fables (3.Prol.) and suggests that Vergilian poetry plays a surprisingly central role in Phaedrus' reflections on the nature and purpose of his poetic project. By linking his own avowedly humble poetry to the Aeneid and Eclogues, Phaedrus draws attention to some unexpected points of contact with Vergil; but he also quite clearly presents himself as a relatively unimportant poet who has had a particularly difficult time finding acceptance in Rome. The engagements with Vergil thus provide contexts for Phaedrus to highlight a crucial dimension of his poetic identity: the Roman fabulist expressed grand ambition but insisted that his inventiveness and sophistication would ultimately do nothing to improve his position on the margins of Roman literary culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a study which examines the landscape architecture in the pastoral topography in the poem "Bellum Civile," by Lucan. The study explores the influence of the pastoral world of Vergil to Lucan's poetry by providing a definition of pastoral poetry and analyzing the interplay of Vergilian contemporary and pastoral politics in the "Bellum Civile." It references the passages by Aeneid to reveal how Lucan's selection of Vergilian pastoral motifs has advanced the role of decomposition and distortion themes in the Nero's era of political culture. It adds that "Bellum Civile" serves as the most openly epic narrative of Rome's politics.

Contrary to the two other major Augustan writers who discussed the origins of Rome, Vergil's Roman prehistory centers on the presence of Evander. An involuntary exile from the East (Greek Arcadia) who settled in Latium and instilled civilization and laws among the Italians, Evander is a duplicate of Aeneas, a cultural ancestor and a model of leadership. Aeneas is instructed by the deities of Italy (Tiberinus) to pay a visit to Pallanteum, Evander's capital and the primordial site of Rome, in order to learn about the past and receive instructions about the future. His tour of proto-Rome, led by Evander, carries Aeneas through a series of monuments that span through Rome's entire history. Aeneas is guided to follow Evander's example, and Vergil, urging reevaluation of widespread anti-Hellenic prejudices, prominently underscores the seminal contribution of Greece to the cultural and political origins of Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pietro Aretino was a particularly frequent commentator on the catastrophic 1527 Sack of Rome by the Spanish, German and Italian troops of Charles V. This article examines one of his most extended, and curious, responses to the Sack: the explicit parody of Virgil's Books I‐IV of The Aeneid that opens Day Two of his Dialogo. The episode features a satirical Cinquecento take on the story of Aeneas and Dido: a despicable baron who escaped Rome and a ruling lady in whom his tale of the city's fall stoked a desire that ultimately resulted in her abandonment and suicide. Commentary on these pages has centred especially on the Didonian scenes of the lady's laments and Aretino's explicit acknowledgement of his having 'filched' them from Virgil's Book IV. The baron's account of the Sack, in contrast, often has been summarized as a mere attempt – largely ineffective – to offer readers a conveniently contemporary equivalent to Aeneas's narration of the fall of Troy in Books II and III. This article argues instead that the baron's description is pointedly unVirgilian and draws on another body of unheroic texts: publications, including Aretino's own, on the Sack that circulated in its aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos de Filología Clásica: Estudios Latinos is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

As a complement to his anti-imperial agenda, Luke undergirds his narrative with implicit nuances derived from the worthies (and not so worthy) of republican Rome. The Evangelist makes a case that the best of the Romans' pre-imperial history is available in this Jesus and his church. However one decides the question of the work's genre, these data confirm its full Romanita. In this regard, he is picking up a cue from Mark. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rome and the Roman idea of imperium – a centring, totalizing military and legal right to rule and command obedience – looms large behind innumerable historical instances of geopolitical aspiration. Yet the story of ancient Rome and the empire it shaped does not belong to Rome alone. From the very beginning, and throughout its history, it was linked repeatedly and inextricably to a peripheral alter‐ego: Carthage, established in present‐day Tunisia by Phoenicians settlers from Tyre. Much has been written about the historiographical representation of the conflicts between the two cities. The focus of 'Time and Memory in Carthage' is instead on the city's spatial and memorial presence, and on the raking light it throws across the narrative of empire that European tradition inherited from Rome. Using a range of material from Virgil's Aeneid to medieval and Renaissance visual depictions of Carthage, this essay attends to the strange tricks that the city of Carthage plays with both time and space, both in the Roman imagination, and in the early modern world – opening up spaces of conversation and alterity that survived even as the city's architectural space was destroyed, reappropriated, rebuilt, and reimagined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Roman historiography's pervasive biographical tendency created a "biographical distortion field" wherein items of praise and blame bundled with the names of prominent individuals were passed down and recycled by authors. The affective potency of moral judgments in these rhetorical packages prompts readers to jump to simplistic explanations and distracts them from evidence supporting more holistic historical arguments. This article re-examines events of the year 22 BCE to demonstrate the impact of this biographical distortion. It seeks to show that, contrary to accounts blaming individual aediles and censors for problems in this year, popular unrest in Rome in response to various disasters and to Augustus' retirement from the consulship necessitated adjusting the duties of certain magistracies to meet the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The expression pelle Libystidis ursae, which occurs at Aen. 5.37 and 8.368, has caused a certain amount of puzzlement among scholars. This article will attempt to explain, through Virgil's allusions to Apollonius' Argonautica, the function of Libystis as a pointer to the motif of the creation of a new homeland within a foreign territory, as is the case with Segesta and Rome. This idea is further developed by the two omens that forebode the foundations of Segesta and Rome, that is, the omen of Acestes' arrow at Aen. 5.522–8 and the weapon-omen at Aen. 8.524–9, both of which are consistently associated with flames, comets, and lightning. These elements underline the symbolism of destruction, rebirth, and Jupiter's will that characterizes the foundations of Segesta and future Rome. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers how teaching and learning may have functioned in late antique Roman classrooms by examining two texts: one is from the teacher’s perspective, the other – which, until recently, was unedited – provides some access to the student’s perspective. Despite much recent scholarly work on education in antiquity, there has been no attempt to bring teachers’ and students’ perspectives together through two contemporary sources from the Latin-speaking West. The first text is by Servius, a late antique teacher, whoseCommentaryprovides detailed analysis of Virgil. The other comprises theColloquia, containing ‘real life’ dialogues in Latin and Greek set in a school context. Through this comparison, the author aims to shed some light on what may have happened in a Latin-speaking classroom in late antiquity. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the relationship between gender and space through a consideration of women's ritual performances in the Regia, an ancient and sacred building at the edge of the Roman Forum. In this space, the regina sacrorum , the flaminica Dialis , the saliae virgines , and the Vestal Virgins performed a range of public rituals on behalf the Roman people. The paper examines how the material setting of the Regia and traditions associating it with the regal period shaped the experiences of the priestesses as they carried out their ritual obligations. It also considers how their ritual performances contributed to the perception that the Regia and many of the city's most important rituals were rooted in the regal period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the last few years, much of public discourse has been concerned with the rise of populist movements across the world. Hindu nationalism, Brexit, and the rise of Le Pen are just some of the phenomena that have garnered attention and concern. Although, in Rome and America , classicist and political scientist Dean Hammer does not start with this topic, contemporary populism is his destination, specifically in the shape of Donald Trump and the conditions in which his presidency arose. As Hammer investigates several aspects of both the creation and undoing of self-identity and political norms in the United States, he cites templates, points of comparison, and, finally, warnings in both Rome's founding myths and the history of its transition from republic to principate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanitas: Revista de Estudos Greco-Latinas is the property of Universidade Federal do Espirito Santo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)