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Background: Population‐based and family studies showed that impulsive‐aggression predicts suicidality; however, the underlying etiological nature of this association is poorly understood. The objective was to determine the contribution of genes and environment to the association between childhood impulsive‐aggression and serious suicidal ideation/attempt in young adulthood. Methods: N = 862 twins (435 families) from the Quebec Newborn Twin Study were followed up from birth to 20 years. Repeated measures of teacher‐assessed impulsive‐aggression were modeled using a genetically informed latent growth model including intercept and slope parameters reflecting individual differences in the baseline level (age 6 years) and in the change (increase/decrease) of impulsive‐aggression during childhood (6 to 12 years), respectively. Lifetime suicidality (serious suicidal ideation/attempt) was self‐reported at 20 years. Associations of impulsive‐aggression intercept and slope with suicidality were decomposed into additive genetic (A) and unique environmental (E) components. Results: Additive genetic factors accounted for an important part of individual differences in impulsive‐aggression intercept (A = 90%, E = 10%) and slope (A = 65%, E = 35%). Genetic (50%) and unique environmental (50%) factors equally contributed to suicidality. We found that 38% of the genetic factors accounting for suicidality were shared with those underlying impulsive‐aggression slope, whereas 40% of the environmental factors accounting for suicidality were shared with those associated with impulsive‐aggression intercept. The genetic correlation between impulsive‐aggression slope and suicidality was 0.60, p =.027. Conclusions: Genetic and unique environmental factors underlying suicidality significantly overlap with those underlying childhood impulsive‐aggression. Future studies should identify putative genetic and environmental factors to inform prevention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. Suicidal behavior is frequently associated with a history of childhood abuse yet it remains unclear precisely how early life adversity may increase suicide risk later in life. As such, our aim was to examine whether lifetime trajectories of disruptiveness and anxiousness trait dysregulation explain the association between childhood adversity and suicidal behavior; and moreover, to test the potential modifying effects of mental disorders on these associations. Method. A sample of 1776 individuals from a prospective school-based cohort followed longitudinally for over 22 years was investigated. We tested the influence of disruptiveness and anxiousness trajectories from age 6 to 12 years on the association between childhood adversity (i.e. sexual and physical abuse) and history of suicide attempts (SA) using logistic regression models. Both adolescent externalizing and internalizing Axis I disorders and gender were tested as potential modifiers of these associations. Results. Four distinct longitudinal trajectories were identified for both disruptiveness and anxiousness. The high disruptiveness trajectory accounted for the association between childhood adversity and SA, but only for females. The high anxiousness trajectory also explained the association between adversity and SA; however, in this case it was not sex but mental disorders that influenced the potency of the mediating effect. More specifically, anxiousness fully explained the effect of adversity on SA in the presence of externalizing disorders, whereas in the absence of these disorders, this effect was significantly attenuated. Conclusions. This study provides evidence that both disruptiveness and anxiousness play an important role in explaining the relationship between childhood adversity and SA. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the relationship between mobility, ageing and death in an urban housing market from a material culture perspective. It examines a divestment ritual performed by elderly people in Montreal (Canada) on the occasion of a move from a home on their own to a care environment. This move which is often a move into a smaller place and a smaller set of things is also accompanied by the compulsion for the people to divest themselves of some of their belongings, a process that is called 'casser maison', literally 'breaking the house'. This ethnographic paper reveals that 'casser maison' is not only a matter of getting separated from some, if not most, of one's posses-sions, however. It is also a matter of placing those possessions among the kin or other potential recipients. In this respect, 'casser maison' pertains to a ritualized form of construction of the self through the emptying of the place. It proceeds from the wish to ancestralize oneself; the capacity to place one's possessions is taken to guarantee the survival of the subject and of his or her memory. As such, this paper demonstrates that, through the use of personal belongings, the divestment of the self becomes a form of investment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]