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The article deals with the phenomena of LGBT ideology-free zones, zones created by almost a hundred units of local government in Poland, an EU member state. I argue in this piece that although the resolutions creating these zones were adopted by local government units in Poland, the primary responsibility for them should be attributed to the Polish Government. The article analyses how the government supports LGBT ideology-free zones, as they are with line with so-called culture wars conducted by government, and how the international community (including the European Union and Council of Europe) have reacted to them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Over recent decades, the issue of same-sex civil unions has been discussed and then legally regulated in many European Union countries. In the case of Poland, this issue is still debated in the socio-political discourse. Methods: The research presented in this article is aimed at analyzing the attitudes of Polish society towards legalization of same-sex registered partnerships. The study was nationwide and based on a quota sampling method (n = 2119). The data was collected in 2019. Results: An analysis of the collected data showed that the support for legalizing same-sex partnerships is not accepted by the majority of voters in Poland. However, there are differences between supporters of various political groups as well as between those who declare left-wing or right-wing views. Conclusions: For opponents of equal rights for homosexuals and heterosexuals, a crucial issue is the objection to same-sex marriage. The voters of left-wing parties and people declaring left-wing political leanings were more likely to accept other forms of marriage, although for the majority of them, marriage can be only a union between a woman and a man. Policy Implications The resistance of the ruling party Law and Justice, a conservative one, against legalization of same-sex partnerships and making decisions aimed at LGBT community, for instance introducing "LGBT-free zones," are one of the elements encouraging its electorate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the process of spatial segregation in Poland: the transition from economic deprivation and the neoliberal logic initiated in the 1990s, which can be symbolised by special economic zones, to the atmosphere of cultural exclusion manifested by LGBT‐free zones created at the level of municipalities, cities and regions in Poland in 2019 and 2020. The authors defend the thesis that events in Poland have confirmed that not only the state can be authoritarian, but that local and regional authorities can also reproduce an authoritarian and excluder vision of social order. The article also shows similarities between the arguments of the modern populist right, which demanded the establishment of LGBT‐free zones, and anti‐Semitic slogans of the pre‐war (1918–1939) right, which demanded the creation of ghettos for Jews. In conclusion, the authors call for avoiding the mistake of separating economic exclusion from cultural discrimination and treating these challenges separately. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The article analyses the language used by the Polish nationalist right in relation to LGBT communities and the right to abortion. The authors show links between the language of Church hierarchs and right-wing columnists as the ideological backbone of the governing right-wing populist right. According to the authors, the attack on gender is the same method of political mobilisation and power management as the campaign against refugees and the anti-immigrant hysteria. On the one hand, the anti-gender discourse may strengthen the narrative against the 'liberal EU' and, on the other hand, it is used to show substitute 'scapegoats' in Poland. Moral panic makes it possible to release class tensions in the manner that is safe for the system through the artificially induced cultural and ideological conflict. However, the dispersed anti-gender discourse has a real impact on social attitudes – on the one hand, it polarises social sympathies and, on the other hand, it strengthens conservative attitudes. The analysis is based on right-wing press articles, Church hierarchs' statements, videos on YouTube and a parliamentary debate about the right to abortion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The authors of the article show manifestations of homophobia in a range of Eastern European countries. They use the example of Poland to compare the current situation of LGBT people with that in the communist period. The article defends the thesis that homophobia, which goes hand in hand with Islamophobia, anti-Semitism, and widespread dislike for any cultural minority, is a cultural compensation for economic disappointment and an expression of the Eastern European opposition to the economic and political expansion of the West. From this perspective, the dominant nationalist orientation requires treating not only LGBT communities, but also their defenders, supporters of a more liberal culture and civic organizations, as representatives of "foreign centers" who intend to meet "the interests of the core European Union (EU) countries." Thus, messianic nationalism and homophobia are a compensation for economic marginalization and a form of defense moved from the sphere of economic problems to the sphere of identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Human Library is a public event aimed at reducing stereotypes and prejudices, in the form of an interactive, contact‐based intervention. It employs the logic of a regular library yet with readers "borrowing" Living Books, which are real people representing various minority groups. Readers engage in 30‐min conversations, during which they can challenge their stereotypes and widen their scope of knowledge and understanding. This pre‐post intervention study examined the effectiveness of the Human Library (held in Wrocław, Poland) in reducing social distance towards Roma, Muslims, dark‐skinned, and transgender people, as well as in decreasing homonegativity. Also, we measured whether participation in the Human Library changes individual attitudes towards diverse workgroups. We found that the Human Library decreased social distance towards Muslims. Also, the more Living Books that the participants "read," the bigger the shift in their social distance towards Muslims. Furthermore, we observed an increase in positive affective attitude towards working in diversified groups, as a result of participation in the event. The study serves as partial support for the effectiveness of the Human Library in altering one's attitude towards minority groups and diversity. The intervention is discussed as a promising but not yet entirely understood tool to improve intergroup relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper explores the assertion about multi-faceted tools of impact used by large corporations that aim to limit the subjectivity of consumers. It is based on the concept of “deep capture” (Hanson & Yosifon, 2003). Deep capture suggests that the consumers have only the idea of their own subjectivity, and that human behaviour is largely dependent on external situational factors rather than the individuals’ dispositions. In this context, the present authors analyse the role of large corporations in shaping the image of LGBT people in Poland. Noteworthy is the consideration to build and strengthen the belief that LGBT people are a group which suffers discrimination, to which anyone should make gestures of support throughout consumer decisions. An overview of the actions of business entities for LGBT groups in Poland allows us state that these actions cannot be called large-scale. The actions of Polish companies can be recognised as not very intense or committed. Western transnational corporations have vast experience in actions for LGBT people, but this is not necessarily the case in Poland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Poland is one of the most discriminatory places in Europe. The political situation, legal policies, and society's attitude towards people from the LGBTQ+ community in Poland clearly indicate the need to study the mental health and well-being of this group of individuals. Based on Meyer's minority stress theory, Bowlby's attachment theory, the Ainsworth attachment framework, Diener's subjective well-being model, and provided empirical evidence, this study examined the significance of attachment styles and anxiety as predictors of life satisfaction among the Polish LGBTQ+ community. It also explored the differences between LGBTQ+ and heterosexual individuals in the levels of tested variables. A total of 414 participants took part in this study, of whom most study participants were young adults (M = 24.50; SD = 6.94). Of those, 130 participants identified themselves as heterosexual, while 284 declared themselves members of the LGBTQ+ community. The Satisfaction with Life Scale, Plopa's Attachment Styles Questionnaire, and the State-Trait Anxiety Inventory were used. Data demonstrate that anxiety and attachment styles were significant predictors of life satisfaction in the LGBTQ+ community. Moreover, LGBTQ+ individuals had higher non-secure attachment styles and anxiety scores, and lower life satisfaction scores in comparison to heterosexual individuals. The presented study is the first Polish study to test such relationships in the Polish LGBTQ+ community. It draws attention to lower life satisfaction among study participants representing the LGBTQ+ community in comparison to cisgender heterosexual individuals. This indicates that researchers, clinical specialists and practitioners should try to improve the levels of subjective well-being in Polish LGBTQ+ individuals, for example, through psychoeducational and supportive programs. In addition, the presented results highlight the possible important role of attachment styles in the functioning of the presented group.

In this article I ask why gay and lesbian people in Poland mourned their infamously homophobic president Lech Kaczynski, and, in turn, what it means to mourn one's own enemy. In examining this extraordinary case of national bereavement and the collective performance of grief, I point to complex models of attachment that position Polish homosexual subjects in a locus where they are able to enter the national discourse as subjects, and not only as abjects. I stress the role of identification rather than identity, relationality, processuality and performativity in understanding the relations between nationhood and homosexuality. Homosexual subjects attaining the rituals of national bereavement break the chains of interlinked subject positions and social expectations. In doing so, nationhood is rendered a “hybrid” space of identification for the homosexual subject. Consequently, mourning becomes an act of “queering” the nation, a wilful subversion of culturally and traditionally sanctioned performative recollections of nationhood (Polishness). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Studia Socjologiczne is the property of Studia Socjologiczne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objectives: The aim of the conducted research was to prepare the Polish adaptation of the Daily Heterosexist Experiences Questionnaire (DHEQ) by Kimberly Balsam et al. (2013) and to verify psychometric characteristics of the Polish adaptation. This original tool manages to address the experiences of prejudice and discrimination affecting LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender) people., Methods: Data from 197 Polish LGBT participants were collected online. Mean age of participants was 31 years (M = 31.93; SD = 8.37). Nearly 17% (N = 33) of participants were transgender,alittleover19% (N = 38) described themselves as non-heterosexual women, while the remainder of the sample (N = 127; 64%) were self-described as homosexual, bisexual or pansexual men. The questionnaires included the Polish adaptation of the DHEQ and a control tool designed for the needs of this study., Results: The highest scores were found on factor describing experiences of 'Vicarious trauma', showing that learning about abuse and discrimination of other members of LGBT community is an important stressor for LGBTpeople. Other important stressors were 'Isolation' and 'Vigilance' describing feelings of loneliness and effort made in order to conceal LGBT identity. Of all the groups, the transgender people were the most exposed to heterosexism., Conclusions: The Polish adaptation of the DHEQ is characterized by good psychometric properties. The majority of the factors distinguished in the DHEQ are applicable to Polish cultural context.