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Ideas and discourses matter in the development of institutions. In the context of the Bangsamoro people's struggle for self-determination, the myriad of ideas and discourses that were instigated, asserted, and contested by different actors catalyzed sporadic episodes of hostilities, co-optations, and settlements. These events, in turn, shaped their quest for self-determination and explained how, when, and why the Bangsamoro people, from initially clamoring for outright independence, have instead opted for a negotiated political settlement in the form of the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao (BARMM). It is, therefore, the objective of this paper to discuss the impacts of ideas and discursive interactions between and among major actors vis-à-vis the development of the BARMM. The paper will trace and discuss Bangsamoro's history of statehood, public declarations for secession, the foundation of armed movements, and the acceptance of political settlements. A discursive institutionalist framework, along with archival research and content analysis of government documents, media reports, and scholarly publications, will be employed in discussing the abovementioned matters. Undertaking this study through these approaches will allow us to understand how the discourse on the Bangsamoro struggle for self-determination shifted from being defined as an aspiration for an independent state, to an armed struggle between secessionist movements and the national government of the Philippines, and ultimately into a struggle for genuine autonomy within the framework of Philippine sovereignty. The latter discourse eventually resulted in the formation of BARMM, a secular and democratic institution that recognized not only the Bangsamoro people's right to self-determination but also the territorial integrity of the Republic of the Philippines. Although the BARMM has been officially inaugurated, it is necessary to underscore that its degree of institutionalization will depend upon the realization or non-attainment of its objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Tourism is a major global industry. Governments in developing countries have developed tourism as a means for economic progress. The role of the government is crucial in making tourism beneficial for local people. The traditional functions of government involve crafting legislation and regulating tourist activities in local destinations. The business and marketing aspects of tourism are often entrusted to the private sector. Today, local governments are directly involved in the tourism business. The traditional functions of governments have expanded into managing and marketing touristic enterprises and forming partnerships with private and government agencies, nongovernmental organizations, and host communities. This study aims to examine how local government units (LGUs) perform both political and entrepreneurial functions in tourism development. In particular, it explores the case of the province of Bohol--a model for tourism development in the Philippines. The Bohol LGU demonstrates how the local government can integrate governance, coordination, and doing business through tourism. This case study attempts to offer useful insights on formulating policies in local tourism development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From 1992 to 2010, during the mayoral terms of Bayani and Maria Lourdes Carlos-Fernando, Marikina underwent an extensive transformation. The husband-and-wife team transformed it from a sleepy, semi-agricultural third-class municipality into a model city and the recipient of many awards and distinctions. Aside from providing the physical infrastructure needed to lay the foundation for the city, the Fernandos also transformed the residents by promoting a culture of order and discipline, and later on introducing corporatist practices in the delivery of basic services. In the process, Marikina became sustainable from a financial and environmental standpoint. This paper argues that Marikina's transformation can be attributed to the following: first, that the skill sets the mayors possessed matched the city's needs at the time of their tenure; second, that Marikina's resurgence coincided with the reforms implemented after the transition to democratic rule starting in 1986, in particular, the passage of the Local Government Code; and, third, that Marikina experienced a continuity of policies even if there were changes in leadership. The city did not suffer from what may also be termed as "cancel culture," wherein gains made by the previous administration were negated as a result of highly polarized politics. The paper further argues that aside from agency, Marikina's development was also conjunctural. Marikina's success may be attributed to the confluence of interests among stakeholders; a phenomenon termed policy coalition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims to explain why reform-oriented local politics has gained ground in the Philippines. It has been argued that local politics in the Philippines is characterized by dynastic elites who employ a patron-client relationship, exploitive rentseeking, and coercion and violence. However, a more reform-oriented local politics has emerged in many parts of the country since around the 2000s. What is the driver for the rise of reform-oriented local politics? Does this form of politics weaken or strengthen the local political dynasties? This paper answers the first question by arguing that links between the global neoliberal economy and local policy entrepreneurs have facilitated the rise of reform-oriented and business-friendly local politics. For the second question, it claims that local elites who become successful policy entrepreneurs adopting the new business-friendly politics are likely to further entrench themselves and perpetuate their dynasty by utilizing private capital investment. These arguments are based on the case of the Valdez family in the municipality of San Nicolas, Ilocos Norte. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The decentralization process triggered by the Local Government Code of 1991 resulted in local politicians rising to the national political arena in the 2016 Philippine elections. A former mayor of Davao City was elected to the presidency and the widow of a former Naga City mayor to the vice presidency. These cases reflect various political dynamics, including bossism, patronage politics, a developmental authoritarian regime, and a grassroots democracy. Beyond typological studies on local politics, this chapter reveals the transforming nature of local politics by scrutinizing policy making and policy implementation at the local level. Local policy makers become policy entrepreneurs when they find innovative ways to implement existing policies in particular local contexts or when they create new local policies. The policies may take on their own nature, or a built-in nature, via new institutions and changing expectations that outlast the term of political leaders. After reviewing conventional knowledge to understand the transforming nature of local politics, this chapter provides a brief case study of the coalition politics behind the Local Government Code of 1991. Policy coalitions--made up of politicians, bureaucrats, civil society activists, and businesspeople--work to make and implement policies at the national and local levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 2001, a peaceful urban revolt ousted President Joseph Estrada of the Philippines amid evidence of the president's involvement in illegal gambling. Using Estrada's ouster as a case study, this article examines the ground-up process that turns everyday criminality in the Philippines into public scandal. It contends that scandalous politics—acts of illegality perpetrated by the political elite in various localities—are a constant feature of the Philippine state. However, it is only when these acts become legible to the observers of national politics that a public scandal occurs. In examining the nexus between scandalous politics and public scandal, the article views scandal as a mediated phenomenon, one premised on the concerns of middle-class politics in Manila. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that ordinary people often contest rather than submit to the powerful elites to gain material interests and political favoritism. Ordinary people are both shrewd and critical in making judgments and evaluations on politicians as well as the (unequal) relation of powers. Based on fieldwork interviews in the Philippines, this paper identifies the perception of (local) politics from ordinary people's point of view in a seemingly mundane political environment. If the political economic imperative of tulong, or help, is decoded to include its social meanings, functions, and cultural connotation, it reveals the Janus-facedness of patron-client ties that allows for a negotiation of power relations between clients and patrons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nai Rui Chng explores the different ways in which water privatization has impacted on the constitution of political community in the context of local politics. Based on recent fieldwork on small-scale water providers in an urban poor community in Taguig City, Metro Manila, in the Philippines, he describes collective action by the Taguig urban poor in response to water privatization. He outlines how Taguig's experience informs the wider debate on water privatization and citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]