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The article discusses Peru's drug control strategy and drug policy reform as of June 2014. Topics covered include the replacement of Peru's top drug official Carmen Macias by former Defense Minister Luis Alberto Otarola, the massive coca eradication campaign of Macias, and the productive reconversion strategy implemented by the Peruvian government to provide alternative livelihoods. It also discusses the changes in the Valley of the Apurímac, Ene and Mantaro Rivers (VRAEM).

The article explores the initiative of Peruvian President Ollanta Humala to address the drug problems in Peru. It cites the move of the Peruvian government in 2011 to further develop coca production in the country and the drug enforcement leadership changes that suddenly altered the policy of Peru into an anti-drug regulation. The author points out the various gatherings that dissect drug issue resolution including the Cartagena and Lima summits and United Nationa General Assembly.

The article reports on the election of left-wing candidate Ollanta Humal in the presidential elections in Peru. It notes the pressures he will face from the moderates and the radicals and the difficulty he may face in implementing his program of change due to a slim majority in Congress and a strong conservative opposition. His choice of Brazil as his first foreign visit indicates that it will be his primary point of reference in international relations and his intention to travel to the U.S. shows his desire to have good relations with Washington.

The author expresses her views on the victory of Ollanta Humala in the 2011 presidential elections in Peru. He cites the diversity of views that Humala's campaign came to represent including more left-wing economists and the moderates who joined forces with him in the second round. He stresses the need for Humala to implement the promises of his campaign to develop economic and social policies making the country as more equitable and inclusive society. He considers Humala's victory as metaphor for the divide between Lima and the rest of the country.

The article discusses the victory of Ollanta Humala as president of Peru. It highlights the need for Humala to think about the challenges he faces as he prepares to take office on July 28, 2011. Humala needs to calm the political process in Peru which it describes as deeply polarized. It cites the race and class-based divisions as another issue that Humala needs to address. It advises Humala to bring together the country's democratic sectors by opening the participation of Peruvial civil society.

The article discusses the latest developments in the impending presidential election in Peru, particularly the role of the U.S. It cites the report presented by U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, Roger Noriega, to the government of Peru, showing the support given by the Venezuelan government to presidential candidate Ollanta Humala. It claims that Noriega views Venezuelan president Hugo Chávez as an enemy of the U.S. and democracy.

The article features the finalists in the Peru presidential elections namely, Ollanta Humala and Keiko Fujimori, who will participate in the final round of voting on June 5, 2011. Polls showed that the candidates are in a statistical dead heat, with a difference of less than one percentage point. According to the authors, many believe that Fujimori represents a return to fujimorismo of the 1990s, while Humala may bring back a Hugo Chávez-style government.

This article analyzes the outcome of presidential elections in Peru in June 2011. It references two polls which showed that Ollanta Humala has a small lead over Keiko Fujimori as the campaign emerges for the second round of voting. It discusses the implications of the elections for the widespread human rights violations and corruption in the country.

The article discusses the latest developments in the presidential and congressional elections in Peru as of April 2011. It reports on the success of Ollanta Humala and Keiko Fujimori, who had the highest negative ratings during the campaign, and made it to the second round. It claims that the success of Fujimori could be attributed to incumbent President Alan Garcia, who has repeatedly coalesced with the Fujimori coalition.

The article discusses the elections in Peru held in April 2011. Contenders for Peruvian presidency to be decided upon in the second-round vote on June 5 are Keiko Fujimoro and Ollanta Humala. Results of the election monitoring groupTransparencia with 74 percent of the votes counted are presented. Observations of members of the Washington Office on Latin America (WOLA) of the election in Villa El Salvador, a district in Lima are also discussed.

The article reports on the lead held by the Ollanta Humala over Keiko Fujimori in 2011 elections in Peru, which according to the author is the most volatile elections the country has ever seen.

The author forecasts the outcome of the Peruvian presidential and congressional elections on April 10, 2011. A second round of voting for president on June 5, 2011 is expected as no candidate will likely get half of the votes needed to win in the first round. Based on poll findings, populist candidate Ollanta Humala is expected to win the most number of votes with former Peruvian President Alejandro Toledo, businessman Pedro Pablo Kuczynski and Keiko Fujimori, daughter of former Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori, competing for the second spot.

The article discusses the decision of the Peruvian Supreme Court to uphold the 2006 verdict sentencing Vladimoro Montesinos to 20 years in prison and steep monetary reparation for selling weapons to the Colombian Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarios de Colombia (FARC). Montesinos is the right-hand man of Peruvian President Alberto Fujimori and was a key ally of the U.S. in the so-called war on drugs. According to the article, the verdict shows how the U.S. engaged in alliances just to push its drug policy objectives.