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This paper provides a sketch of the phonetics and phonology of Tomoip, an Austronesian language of New Britain, Papua New Guinea. Tomoip does not appear to be closely related to the other Austronesian languages of New Britain. Furthermore, it has been in contact with multiple non-Austronesian languages of the island. These two facts suggest that the language may have had a particularly interesting history. As the first publication dedicated to Tomoip, this paper is intended to serve as a starting point for further description, analysis, and classification of the language. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Considerable research has concerned the influence of Papua New Guinea's Oceanic languages on the development of the pidgin/creole Tok Pisin, but little research has considered linguistic influence in the opposite direction. This paper adds to both bodies of research by investigating whether the colexification of 'enough', 'able' and 'until' in Papapana (Oceanic) and Tok Pisin results from internal or contact-induced change. Such a colexification is unattested/rare cross-linguistically therefore I argue that language contact is responsible. The Tok Pisin verb inap 'enough, able' grammaticalised as the preposition/subordinator 'until' because of semantic extensions by Oceanic language speakers whose languages demonstrate overlapping polysemies. The Papapana verb eangoi colexifies 'enough' and 'able' (common cross-linguistically), but the colexification with the lexicalised adverb eangoiena 'able' and grammaticalised preposition/subordinator eangoiena 'until' is pattern replication modelled on Tok Pisin. Based on areal data, I propose a tentative semantic map for ENOUGH, contributing to research on cross-linguistic colexification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Referential kinship terms in Matukar Panau (Oceanic, Papua New Guinea) are obligatorily possessed. Traditionally, kinship terms are directly possessed in Oceanic languages (with an obligatory suffix on the root that agrees with the person and number of the possessor). In Matukar Panau, some kinship terms are also indirectly possessed (with a classifier that agrees with the person and number of the possessor). A third pattern shows double-marking of possessors with directly possessed terms co-occurring with a classifier. I present a multivariate analysis of the predictors that influence the choice of the direct, indirect or double-marked patterns. Older women and younger men are most likely to use the indirect pattern, particularly when discussing their own kin from their households, especially in conversational situations. The indirect possession pattern, then, is used for more integral relationships, what has previously been the semantic domain of direct possession in Oceanic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]