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This article examines Pakistan State's ruling practices in Lower Dir, a peripheral region. It argues that this peripheral region was ruled by a colonial logic of governmentality. Through a "thick" ethnography of Lower Dir, I documented the militarized and fragmented state practices that Tsing refers to as the "sticky materiality of practical encounters" of the local people with the state apparatuses. The study collected data through anthropological methods such as mobile ethnography at checkpoints, casual conversations with locals, and firsthand observations of state ruling practices in the region. This article concludes that it is the Pakistan state's strategic interest that keeps the region out of the mainstream, and its security status is now even more important for Pakistan state following the Taliban's takeover of Kabul in August 2021. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban's regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban's government on Pakistan's national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban's government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan's relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan as a focal state for super powers remained a war-torn territory since 19th century. Its geopolitical importance can't be ignored as country connects South Asia to Central Asia. Afghanistan as a neighbouring state of Pakistan is also very significant for India. Peaceful/violence circumstances in Afghanistan have immense effect on Pakistan. Pakistan had to pay high cost of the war against terror in the Afghanistan. Despite extending of full cooperation to USA, Pakistan was identified as an untrustworthy state, as US blamed Pakistan that all the terrorists operating in Pakistan are the state sponsored terrorists. On the other hand, Pakistan as the US ally cannot be trustworthy for Taliban. During peace process, paradoxically US accepted Pakistan as a vital mediator between the Taliban and US. Pakistan remained US ally, whenever US needed. On other hand, Pakistan may have to pay heavy cost after US withdrawal. After Taliban take over, Pakistan has started to deliver humanitarian aid to Afghanistan and provided shelter to Afghan refugees. China, the emerging power of the world, has taken initiatives to enhance with Afghanistan. Once again it is China which needed Pakistan for successfully attaining its aim. Pakistan eminence in South Asian region cannot be neglected. Regional peace and stability are vital for Pakistan's own viability and prosperity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan's unique geopolitical location at crossroads of Central, East, and South Asia, along with its historical significance, has made it a focal point for global powers. Post-Soviet era, it served as a buffer against Russian influence. The abrupt U.S. withdrawal in August 2021 disrupted regional stability, allowing the terrorist groups like Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) to thrive. Taliban, now in control, faces internal challenges with ISIS targeting both civilians and Taliban leadership. The Taliban's reluctance to confront other terrorist factions jeopardizes not only Afghan peace but also regional stability, impacting projects like OBOR and CPEC. The Afghanistan's instability directly affects neighboring Pakistan, emphasizing the interconnectedness of the internal Afghan security and Pakistan's peace. For enduring peace, concerted efforts from regional and international actors are imperative to address Afghanistan's internal security and stabilize the region. The current study is qualititative in nature and discussion the leading issues related to the Afghanistan intricacies and its allied impact and considerations for Pakistan. This study addressed these challenging issues and its implications for Pakistan in prevailing situations in order to reach conclusion and offer recommendations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "Sovereign Attachments: Masculinity, Muslimness and Affective Politics in Pakistan" by Shenila Khoja-Moolji. The author reflects on the background and intellectual journey that led to the book, which examines the interplay of gender, power, and the Pakistani state's role in shaping gender hierarchies. The book explores how gendered imagery and affective appeals are used by both the state and the Taliban to legitimize their claims to sovereignty. The article also highlights the potential for future research on affect and aesthetics in the study of South Asian Islam and politics. [Extracted from the article]

Shenila Khoja-Moolji's Sovereign Attachments is a landmark monograph in the study of Islam in South Asia. This review approaches the book by way of three intersecting themes: the management of religious affect in the Indian subcontinent, past and present; the relationship between Muslim publics and what Khoja-Moolji calls 'figurations', or tropes (e.g. the 'mourning mother', the 'brave soldier', and so on) that are variously embodied and contested in contemporary Pakistani discourse; and the ways that Islamic normativities are constructed and mobilized by both the Taliban and the Pakistani state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text discusses the book "Sovereign Attachments: Masculinity, Muslimness, and Affective Politics in Pakistan" by Shenila Khoja-Moolji. The book explores how affect, gender, and Muslim identity intersect in Pakistan, shaping rival conceptions of sovereignty. It examines how both the Taliban and the Pakistani state deploy specific narratives to legitimize their claims to exercise violence, and how women are mobilized in these narratives. The book also highlights the role of geostrategic factors, such as American imperial power, in shaping sovereignty claims. The text concludes by discussing the contributions and insights of the book, as well as suggesting further avenues for research. [Extracted from the article]

The Taliban resistance against the various Afghan governments continued in the post-2001 period which finally culminated in their agreement with the United States of America (USA) for the withdrawal of its forces from Afghanistan in February 2020 and the subsequent capture of Kabul from President Ashraf Ghani in September 2021. Pakistan once again played a pivotal role in this US-Taliban agreement with a hope to achieve its regional objectives of discouraging Afghanistan from its claim on Durand Line, countering India to seek further influence in Afghanistan, tackling the menace of Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) inside Pakistan and taking benefits from regional economic and commercial developments. To add to the surprise of Pakistan, the Taliban government repeated the Afghan claim on Durand Line as an international border, provided active support to TTP, allowed India to complete the ongoing projects and also failed to help Pakistan in realizing its dream of accessing the Central Asian markets on account of sanctions on their government. This research paper seeks to answer the question that what dilemmas Pakistan faces after the establishment of Taliban government in Afghanistan once again after a gap of 20 years? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even by the standards of Pakistan's historical political instability, 2022 was extremely challenging. The year began with Pakistan on the cusp of sovereign default, with rapidly depleting foreign exchange reserves and skyrocketing inflation. The economic situation wasworsened by devastating floods during the monsoon season that directly impacted the lives of 33 million Pakistanis. An energized opposition called for a no-confidence vote against prime minister Imran Khan that in set in motion a chain of political crises that exposed the weakness of political parties, themeddling of themilitary in politics, and judicial activism. The year ended with Pakistan's national security being threatened by religious extremist groups operating from Taliban-led Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Pakistani state signed a number of peace agreements with the Taliban between 2004 and 2015. Despite their significance, hardly any academic evaluations of these agreements exist. This paper assesses these peace deals from three perspectives: political settlements, culture and conflict resolution and cosmopolitan protection. We argue that they failed due to the following reasons: the Pakistani state was more concerned with the interests of the central government in Islamabad than those in the tribal borderlands; the agreements clashed with the unique tribal cultural code of Pashtunwali; and they represented a solution imposed on the tribal societies from the outside. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study analyses the US-Pakistan relationship during the Trump administration from a neo-classical realist lens. Along with systemic influences, the analysis framework also includes the role of domestic and cognitive factors in understanding both sides' perceptions, behaviors, and preferences toward each other. During Trump's presidential term, both sides could not fritter away the mistrust and move beyond the traditional course of engagement characterized by tactical convergence based on the rewards for service rendered by Pakistan. Pakistan was not a strategic choice for Washington since the two countries had contrasting expectations on evolving global developments, emerging regional geo-political and domestic reconfigurations. Parallel to this, Pakistan's economic vulnerabilities were exploited by the Republicans to reassert their leverage in bargaining. This grey area helped the White House allure Pakistan with its carrot-and-stick approach and compelled policy planners in Islamabad to think that a strong foreign policy always rests on a strong domestic base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After over two decades of violence, loss of thousands of civilians, displacement of tens of thousands of people, and damages to key infrastructure in Pakistan by Tehrik e Taliban Pakistan (TTP), the central government decided to talk with them in 2014. These peace talks were vital, as their failure could inevitably lead to a longer war. This study is about the coverage given by the Pakistani national press on these peace talks and the military operation followed by it. It is evaluated how much print media have played their role either in initiating peace or instigating war. With this intention, Johan Galtung's theory of Peace Journalism was applied. Analyzing the contents of four elite national English and Urdu dailies the study concluded that the mainstream press portrayed the peace talks with a considerable difference throughout peace talks, which had undermined the government approach of bringing peace. War-oriented coverage of the operation tells that whatever would be the situation media would sensationalize it. Within the news stories, mixed expressions were seen towards both peace and war but the overall coverage remained war-oriented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study analyses the discourses of Islamic Studies textbook to problematise its role in schoolchildren's radicalisation, and normalisation of violence, in the post 9/11 situation in the Taliban's stronghold, South Waziristan. The textbook findings are further substantiated by the field data collected from 40 students of grades 9 and 10, who studied the sampled textbook in the post 9/11 situation. Students' perspectives, which relate their pedagogical experiences of the textbook in public schools, were gathered employing 16 in-depth individual interviews and 8 focus group discussions. Taking insights from Apple and Ball's concepts of 'legitimate knowledge' and 'normalisation' respectively, the findings suggest that the sampled textbook strongly inspired a particular kind of Jihad (holy war), created hate-based 'believers/Muslims' versus 'non-believers/Kuffar' binaries, and profiled communities in opposition to each other. The students strongly identified with the discursive textbook representations, and participated in Jihad both as the Taliban commanders and foot soldiers. Some of them died young, however, the majority survived of which some recanted. Notwithstanding external influences, the study underlines the role that the textbook discourses and their pedagogical practices in schools played in radicalising the whole generation of schoolchildren and normalising the Taliban fronted violence in Pakistan's tribal areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies China's and Pakistan's key interests in Afghanistan, and their mutual cooperation to pursue them. It identifies security, energy, connectivity and geopolitics as China's main interests. Get recognition of the Durand Line as an international border with Afghanistan, prevention of 'hostile elements' from using Afghan territory and access to the CARs as those of Pakistan's motives. Both sides cooperated with each other on Afghanistan under the umbrella of their strategic partnership. Islamabad helped in establishing initial Taliban-China contacts and persuaded the Taliban for negotiations with the USA and Kabul authorities. Beijing supported Islamabad's Afghan policy and mediated between Islamabad–Kabul and Taliban–Kabul negotiations. China and Pakistan backed their diplomacy with economic assistance and extended CPEC and BRI to Afghanistan. Amidst various challenges, thus far Sino-Pakistan cooperation on Afghanistan has benefited to their mutual interests and contributed to the peace process. Afghanistan has emerged as a new chapter of their relationship. How Sino-Pakistan cooperation advances in this troubled country in future is yet to be seen. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Taliban have taken control of Afghanistan and are now faced with the challenge of severing their connections to terrorist groups in order to gain international recognition. There are several terrorist groups in Afghanistan, including al-Qaida, Chechen fighters, the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan, the East Turkestan Islamic Movement, Pakistani fighters of the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan, and local Afghan terrorists belonging to the Islamic State Khorasan. The Taliban's relationships with these groups range from parasitic relationships to cooperation and peaceful coexistence. In particular, ISIS-K views the Taliban as puppets of Pakistan, leading to violent clashes between the two groups. Afghanistan hosts over 10,000 foreign fighters who enter the country in three ways: fleeing their home countries, joining Afghan terrorist organizations, or through connections established by the Taliban with terrorists. Afghanistan's neighboring countries hope that the new Taliban regime will cut ties with terrorist groups, but there are obstacles such as habit, disagreement within the Taliban, and the lack of a definition of terrorism. Terrorism in Afghanistan poses a threat to political stability in the region and international security. [Extracted from the article]

Zafar Iqbal Yousafzai uncovers the impact of the Taliban's emergence - their development from movement, to regime and finally into an insurgency - on US-Pakistan bilateral relations. In this context, Yousafzai highlights Pakistan's constructive role in facilitating the US-Taliban negotiations. As Yousafzai demonstrates, the neo-Taliban became the constant defining factor and a source of tension in the bilateral relations between the US and Pakistan. [Extracted from the article]

This article moves around the security of Pakistan and examined the incident of 9/11 and counter-terrorism strategies of civil-military during the war on terror. This study tells us that big attacks increase terrorism. After 9/11 some countries actively supported America in the war against terrorism and faced its negative consequences. Terrorism is a serious issue in the world. Many countries have taken serious actions against this evil. Pakistan faces many security challenges in the war against terrorism. This article is based on qualitative research techniques and secondary data. The massive lesson here is that the decision-making process should not be one-sided otherwise it leads to serious consequences. Pakistan experienced the worst issues in the portfolio of security. This requires a serious action plan on border security. Establish the writ of the state and secure the people from all internal and external threats. Resolve the conflicts between hostile factors peacefully without compromising on rule of law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan is in state of war for almost 40 long years but the political dynamics got changed after 9/11. Since the war on terror started facets of peace talks launched without meaningful end. The reconciliation process in Afghanistan had immediately started after establishment of Afghan interim government in 2001. Till 2016 mid, four different reconciliation/reintegration processes were launched by the USA and Hamid Karzai government with Afghan Taliban. The new elected president Ashraf Ghani ended all such processes in 2016 but showed willingness again in 2018 for direct peace talks between USA and Taliban clerics. In the current political scenario, Afghan reconciliation process is back on track with direct peace talks between USA, Taliban and Afghan Government along other international actors. However, Taliban were not ready to sit with the Afghan Government and this is where the Pakistan played as key to Afghan peace process. The focus of this research article is to find the challenges and opportunities of this peace process; Pakistan's role as cardinal player can consolidate the peace process in Afghanistan. Furthermore, this research will give future recommendations for the peace process in Afghanistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Refutes the claims of U.S. President George W. Bush and Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf concerning the dismantling of the Al Qaeda terrorist network. Members who had been killed since the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks; Speculation on the association between Al Qaeda and Taliban; Opposition to the U.S. attack on Afghanistan. INSETS: Accounted for?;At large.

Pakistan and Russia are in close collaboration for the last decade or so due to the changed regional and global geo-political scenarios. However understanding and respecting each other's interests as well as convergence of Pak-Russian interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia is the main driving force behind this development which guarantee a permanent need for each other. Both Pakistan and Russia emphasised on a negotiated settlement for Afghanistan imbroglio addressing concerns of regional states. The Russia-Central Asia-South Asia integration via Afghanistan and Pakistan is in the minds of Russia and Pakistan. Russia controls the northern corridor to the contiguous areas of Afghanistan and Central Asia while Pakistan provides an outlet in the south. The close cooperation between Pakistan and Russia has also encouraged Central Asian Republics for greater interaction with Pakistan. Sino-Russian close cooperation on Central Asia and Pak-China close liaison on Afghanistan also solidifies Pak-Russia collaboration. Thus Russia, China, Pakistan axis will be a symbol of peace and prosperity for Afghanistan and Central Asia. In post US/NATO Afghanistan, maintaining regional peace and stability will be a shared responsibility of regional states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a detail overview of technology enhanced learning implementation vis a vis ITC business opportunities for shake hand in (FATA) Pakistan. An effort has been made to use technology enhanced learning in FATA Pakistan for provision of quality and affordable education to male and female (equally) students of higher education, in a view to eliminate gender discrimination. At the same time business opportunities have been explored and identified in information and telecommunication technology sector, analysis of the opportunity and identification of the vacuum available in telecomm sector for good return on investment (ROI). For this purpose SWOT analysis and a test, pilot project has been carried out in village Bagan of lower Kurram Agency FATA Pakistan, to calculate the potential of opportunities in the area and acceptance of technology enhance learning in hostile local unfriendly education culture and traditional environment. For which E-learning Facilitation Centre (EFC) has been established and ICT tools have been used to communicate, learn and access to quality, affordable educational contents. Various e-learning aids and e-learning framework have been developed to fulfil the requirement of local students of FATA. The paper identified number of limitation with regards to social, cultural and economic aspects. The limitation approaches through effective technology enhance learning tools for the desirable results. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

States commonly take one of three approaches to militant groups on their soil: collaboration; benign neglect; or belligerence. All three approaches are present in Pakistan, where some groups also move back and forth among these categories. I employ the term “coopetition” to capture this fluidity. The dynamic nature of militancy in Pakistan makes the country an excellent laboratory for exploring a state’s assessment of the utility an Islamist militant group offers, and the threat it poses relative to other threats informs the state’s treatment of that group. In this article, I put forward a typology that situates Islamist militants in Pakistan in one of the above four categories. I also illustrate how a group’s identity, objectives, and alliances inform assessments of its utility and threat relative to other threats. In addition to enhancing our understanding of militant-state dynamics, this taxonomy builds on and helps to unify earlier typologies of Pakistani militancy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this research note we employ the work of Wiktorowicz who suggests that persons who are knowledgeable of Islam may be more capable of critically evaluating the claims of militant recruiters and ideologues and thus be more resistant to their appeals than those who are not knowledgeable. This gives rise to an interesting research question: Does knowledge of Islam reduce support for Islamist militancy? To evaluate this research question, we employ data derived from a nationally representative survey fielded among 16,279 Pakistanis in 2011. Using several survey items, we construct a “knowledge index” to measure respondents’ basic knowledge of Islam, which is our principal independent variable. To operationalize support for militancy we use two survey items that query respondents about their support for two prominent Islamist militant groups based in and from Pakistan: the Afghan Taliban as well the sectarian group, Sipah-e-Sahaba-e-Pakistan (also known as Lashkar-e-Jhangvi and Ahle Sunnat Wal Jamaat). We use ordinary least squares regression to evaluate the impact of our independent variables upon support for these two groups, controlling for other relevant factors. We find that knowledge of Islam does predict less support for these two groups; however, other variables such as sectarian organization and ethnicity have greater predictive power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan came into clash with the U.S. in 2011 over its long-standing backing of Islamist activists. The executing of Osama bin laden raised many questions against Pakistan's intelligence agencies. On the other hand law and order situation became worse. Pakistan's different clashes, and also Pakistan Taliban savagery, keep on claiming a great many lives. Economically Pakistan was not in a position to provide job opportunities for upcoming population. Both the government and military authorities seem unwilling to roll out basic financial improvements to pull in essential worldwide developmental aid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]