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Political competition in Africa is often characterized as suffering from a number of deficiencies at the level of political discourse and electoral campaigns, which together paint a picture of an essentially vacuous political life. This article contends that these absences are to some degree methodologically generated. If African political actors appear to have little substance to say about the most pressing social and economic issue of the day, then perhaps as scholars of politics we are looking at what they say in the wrong way? This article points to the limitations of an increasingly popular method of discourse analysis in African politics based on coding political statements within a framework that contrasts valence politics with a position-based appeals framework. It argues for an alternative more contextualized, inductive method of analysing political discourse as the struggle to control the meaning of key terms, using the example highly contested gubernatorial election in Nigeria's southwest. Debates over "stomach infrastructure" and a "hierarchy of needs" reveal the possibility that political discourse and electoral campaigning that on more mechanistic methodologies look devoid of substantive political contestation in fact contain competing conceptions of development and what the state should do. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of elected representatives ditching the political party on whose ticket they were elected for another party constitutes a problem for representative democracy. Especially in settings where identity politics is reportedly common, it is important to interrogate whether voters simply follow their politicians to a new party. This article examines public responses to party switching in Nigeria, drawing from a nationwide representative survey of 1,023 participants against existing debates on ethno-religious and money politics. The author argues that while identity and money politics do have some influence on electoral choices, Nigerian voters generally disapprove of party switchers, except those with a prior track record of good performance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Are there electoral consequences for elected politicians who switch from one party to another? Existing research on this question discovered that switchers often perform worse in elections than non-switchers because voters are suspicious of their intentions, especially in older democracies. Nonetheless, few robust studies have been conducted on this in Africa amidst concerns of weak party institutionalization and voters' passivism, despite the prevalence of switching on the continent and copious existing research on the issue on other continents. I conducted a nationwide representative survey gauging voters' response to party switching and analysed an original dataset on party switching among African MPs, using Nigeria with over 200 cases of party defection within eight years as a case study. I discovered party switchers in Nigeria, Africa's biggest democracy, performed worse in elections compared to non-switchers, with significant implications for our understanding of voting behaviour in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the developing world, politicians often use public office to redistribute resources to their core constituencies. This form of clientelistic exchange motivates ethnic voting in Africa and may also shape broader attitudes toward the state. But does clientelism retain its power as cross-ethnic contact increases, or might new forms of political linkage emerge? This article uses public opinion data from urban Nigeria to investigate how social position affects trust in elected local officials. The article finds that local ethnic minorities are less trusting of local officials, but this trust deficit does not diminish as cross-ethnic contact rises. For members of locally dominant ethnic groups, however, greater cross-ethnic contact and lessened ethnic attachment dampen expressed trust in local elected officials. The article argues that ethnic clientelism is resilient in urban contexts but that scholarship must take a more nuanced approach to assessing membership in clientelistic coalitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nigeria is currently faced with a series of internal security challenges that threaten the very existence of the country. In the areas where conflict has erupted, the military has been consistently accused of violating human rights during its operations. The aim of this article is to explore the claims of human rights abuses levelled against the military and assess the prospect of an effective internal enforcement mechanism. The study that forms the basis of this article involved interviews with 18 high-ranking serving and retired military officers. The empirical results suggest that there are four main areas that need to be strengthened to limit the alleged cases of human rights violations. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Despite two decades of democratisation and some recent liberalisation in North Africa, dictatorships linger around the world. New research on comparative authoritarianism questions personal rule and studies a range of dependent variables, such as why dictators sometimes provide public goods. This ‘analytic authoritarian’ literature emphasises collective governance and explores the institutional basis of policy control. Nigeria's military regimes between 1966 and 1998 provide examples of how military factions and subnational actors can impose transaction costs on authoritarian policy processes. These alternative centres of policy control limited the ability of dictators to unilaterally advance their policy preferences on questions relating to federalism and transition plans. The article concludes by linking this analysis to Nigeria's lingering legacies of authoritarianism and the institutional basis of its 1999 transition. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]