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Aims. To examine the dose-response relationship between self-reported alcohol consumption and levels of self-reported negative consequences of drinking. Design. Data from 10 general population random sample surveys over the years 1990-1997 were combined and responses were plotted and subjected to regression analysis. Setting. Auckland, a city of approximately 1 million people in the North Island of New Zealand. Participants were interviewed in their homes using a computer-assisted telephone interviewing system. Participants. General population sample of 11 817 aged 14-65 years, representative of the Auckland population. Measurements. Frequency of experience of 14 negative consequences; annual volume of alcohol consumed; frequency of drinking larger quantities of alcohol. Results. Three different patterns of relationship between consequences and consumption were found for different consequences. These differed between the prevalence and the frequency of consequences but were similar for two different measures of consumption, annual volume and larger quantity drinking. Analysis of the frequency of experienced consequences found that the risk curves for the most common consequences approximated a straight line and the effects at low volume intake were due to those drinking larger quantities. Three less common consequences clearly showed a concave curve suggesting a threshold effect, with effects beginning at about 20 litres per annum of absolute alcohol. Conclusion. The different relationships between consumption and consequences imply that some consequences occur only once a very heavy volume of drinking is reached, while others show a direct relationship with consumption, reflecting that volume of alcohol consumed is closely related to the quantities consumed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Time-series analysis of alcohol consumption data has shown an impact of real price on alcohol consumption in NZ in the decade 1984-96. Beer consumption was reduced by real price increases and wine consumption was increased by real price decreases. By contrast, during this period spirits were price inelastic. A further influence on alcohol consumption was the introduction of wine into grocery stores, which led to a sudden permanent increase in wine consumption 3 months after the legislation came into force. Beer and spirits were not introduced into supermarkets at this time and while there was no effect on beer consumption there was a significant decrease in spirits consumption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study which examined the association of responses to alcohol advertisements, drinking behavior and related problems within New Zealand, while focusing on the role of positive and negative beliefs concerning drinking as intervening variables. Measurement of response to specific alcohol advertisements; What the structural equation modelling (SEM) offers; Requirements of the use of structural equation models.

Presents a study on the relationships between 10 to 17-year-old New Zealander's responses to alcohol televised advertisements, their drinking behavior and future drinking expectations. Consideration given to the role of positive and negative beliefs relating to drinking; Details on the subjects used in the study; Method in which the study was conducted; Examination of the results; Discussion based on the findings.

Details on the longitudinal study of young New Zealanders access to alcohol from license premises. Study of youthful use of alcohol in New Zealand; Methodology of the study; Impact of access via licensed premises on drinking and related problems; Results of the study.

Examines the data from the national sample of some New Zealanders that allowed the comparison of six different alcohol consumption measures. Alcohol consumption measures; Variation of Finnish period estimate; Data collection based on random sampling; Statistics of alcohol consumption by sex and age; Results of the analysis; Discussion.

People's self report of a variety of alcohol-related problems was collected as part of a national survey carried out in New Zealand in 1988. These problems included self perception of adverse effects of drinking on a number of life areas such as health, friendships and financial position; items covering tangible consequences of alcohol use and items suggestive of alcohol dependence. The experience of these problems was predicted from a number of socio-demographic variables and respondent's reports of their typical drinking behaviour. Of the Socio-demographic variables only age was found to relate strongly to experience of problems. The overall frequency of drinking relatively large amounts and the typical quantity drunk in certain licensed premises (hotels, taverns and clubs) and the typical quantity drunk in others' homes predicted the experience of problems. These findings are similar to research from other countries using different methodologies and support the likely effectiveness of prevention strategies which reduce the access of young people to alcohol and which aim to influence the amounts consumed in drinking sessions on licensed premises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper evaluates three approaches to compulsory breath testing (CBT) where all drivers stopped are tested: (1) intensive, moderate-profile CBT (plus zero alcohol tolerance for drivers under age 20, which was implemented simultaneously, remains in effect, and unavoidably is commingled with CBT in the effectiveness estimates); (2) CBT plus an enhanced media campaign; and (3) shifting to aggressively visible booze buses, which also streamlined drunk-driver processing, plus enhanced community campaigns against drunk-driving. Approaches 1 and 2 were implemented throughout New Zealand (NZ) in 1993 and 1995. Booze buses and community programs were added for about one-third of the country in late 1996. ARIMA time series models estimated the impact on serious and fatal injury crashes between 10 p.m. and 3 a.m., a proxy for alcohol-related crashes. A benefit-cost analysis assessed return on investment. Cost savings were analyzed from four perspectives: societal, governmental, drunk-drivers', and people other than drunk-drivers (external cost). CBT plus zero tolerance reduced expected night-time crashes by 22.1% and enhanced media by 13.9%. Booze buses yielded a further 27.4% reduction where implemented. The program and associated crash reduction persisted until at least 2001 (the most recent data available). Estimated societal benefit-cost ratios were 14 for CBT, 19 for CBT plus enhanced media, and 26 for the comprehensive package. Government saved more than it spent on the program, especially with booze buses. Aggressive CBT plus zero alcohol tolerance for youth, media blitzes, and booze buses proved dramatically effective. Together, these four interventions halved late night serious and fatal injury crashes. Sustained effort seems to be critical. Better outcomes may be achieved with staged, increasingly visible and inescapable checkpoints than with an "ideal" initial program. It appears CBT is best implemented in conjunction with broader community-centered efforts to reduce drunk-driving., (Copyright 2003 Elsevier Ltd.)