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An unprecedented number of autistic people are completing university and they frequently face unemployment after graduation. However, research focusing on the forms of graduate capital and their employability is scarce. The focus of existing research has been on non-autistic, or neurotypical, graduates. The human, social, cultural, identity and psychological capital might be different for autistic graduates due to the characteristics of autism. Using a participatory approach, our aim was to examine the five areas of graduate capital in the context of autistic graduates. The study involved semi-structured interviews with 15 autistic university graduates from England, Finland, France and the Netherlands. Data were analysed using theory guided content analysis and 'data-driven' approaches. Findings indicate that the five areas of graduate capital are particularly relevant to autistic graduates, who typically expose gaps in several capital, jeopardising their employability.

To what extent do favourable job characteristics contribute to the variation in numeracy skills between countries? Based on theory of maintenance and further development of pre-existing skills, this is explored by applying data on numeracy skills among employed persons in seven European countries participating in the Survey of Adult Skills (PIAAC). Regression analyses are used to examine the extent to which numeracy skills vary with job characteristics and education levels across the seven countries, when controlling for industrial sector, work hours, demographic variables (gender, age, Western and Non-Western immigrant background), cultural capital (books at home and parental education level). The findings indicate that job characteristics and the individuals' educational level have large and equal statistical impact on the total skills variation in the seven countries. However, regarding the country- differences, variations in education level play a lesser role than job characteristics.

In this article, we address the issue of participation in adult education building on the cultural capital framework. This theoretical framework suggests that (educational) practices are affected by one's social background and, more precisely, by the cultural resources handed down in the family context. To examine the validity of this theoretical framework, we build on data from the Programme for the International Assessment of Adult Competencies from 23 countries (n = 120,789). The Programme data allow using the variables parents' educational level (a proxy for social background), educational attainment, and readiness to learn as precursors of participation in adult education (both a proxy for cultural capital). Our findings suggest that the cultural capital framework is not fully suited to explain participation in adult education: Although social background has an (indirect) influence on participation, its effect does not concur with theoretical predictions, that is, mediated by the readiness to learn.

This article focuses on different ways in which socially disadvantaged parents engage with their children's educational experiences, and provides evidence of the role they play in opening or narrowing their children's access to education. Disadvantaged parents are usually associated with weak or difficult educational trajectories for their children, because of their lower level of economic, cultural, and social capital. Nevertheless, this association does not operate as an automatic mechanism. Indeed, against a backdrop of persisting inequalities, research data show a plurality of intraclass and intragroup dynamics, with disadvantaged parents having diverse ways of avoiding blaming processes, saving dignity, and acting as proactive agents for their children's educational career.

This paper explores young people's perceptions of vocational education and training (VET) in England. It draws on interview and focus-group data from a funded project. Parallel studies were carried out in The Netherlands, South Africa and England. This study reports on the English project. It found that serendipity, contingent events and influence of significant others are most influential in choice of vocational programme and that young peoples' understandings of possible career paths vary in sophistication, differentiated by age, programme level and subject area. Perceived attractiveness of VET was closely associated with societal perception of their programmes (which the young people considered to be negative). The paper considers the implications of these findings in the context of recent major policy initiatives in England. It concludes that, while some recent policy initiatives, such as the introduction of University Technical Colleges may be successful in raising the esteem of some forms of elite and specialized VET, broad vocational programmes at lower levels, and short courses associated with "employability" and "re-engagement", will continue to be held in lower esteem and to confer little educational advantage on those young people, largely drawn from working-class backgrounds, who pursue them.

This article examines the reciprocity between children's literature and educational ideals in Dutch rewritings of international literary classics published for children between 1850 and 1950. It analyses the assumed pedagogical power of rewritings of international literary classics for children from the perspective of three theoretical concepts: (1) "cultural transmission" as a strategy of educational ambition in its capacity to serve social initiation, (2) "adaptation" as a transformation strategy to adjust an artefact to a specific audience, and (3) "gate keepership" as the determining factor in the communication situation of literature for children. Comparing original masterpieces that were originally not, or not specifically, meant for children with their derivatives sheds light on the strategies that were used to mould narratives into pedagogical examples. It shows how protagonists were educated along the lines of the ever-changing pedagogical discourse brought about by historically variable concepts of childhood and displays the transition of the educational value of subjection to external mastery to the ideal of self-mastery of the child. Moreover, it shows how rewritings not only functioned as agents in the transmission of literary artefacts, but by means of that, also provided for the transmission of culture. (Contains 5 figures and 69 footnotes.)

This article examines the lives of three children of Dutch men and Mohawk women: the Mohawk leader Smits Jan and the siblings Jacques van Slyck and Hilletie van Olinda of the Dutch village of Schenectady. In recent years several historians have examined how cross-cultural settings enabled people to reshape their identities. William Hart sees the eighteenth-century New York frontier as a place in perpetual flux and its inhabitants as cultural borrowers who could defy established categories of ethnicity and status. The case of metis in seventeenth-century New York, however, seems to suggest that ethnic categories were important and difficult to transcend. While Smits Jan lived his life as a Mohawk leader, Jacques van Slyck and his sister Hilletie van Olinda became full members of Dutch colonial society. Being metis may have afforded these people some cultural capital not available to either Indians or Europeans, and at times all three seem to have attempted to use their background as a diplomatic tool, with varying degrees of success. In that sense metis people could bridge a cultural gap, but they were not people who changed ethnicity or identity at will. While the Van Slycks managed to make the transition from Mohawk to Dutch society, they did not do so more than once, and it seems to have been a trying experience. Indeed, the case of the Van Slycks seems to suggest that metis persons may to some extent have been vulnerable members of Iroquois society in the mid-seventeenth century, at least if they acted in ways that defied established ethnic boundaries. Smits Jan is in some ways more difficult to assess. As a prominent Mohawk leader he was in frequent contact with European officials, and both he and the French appear to have placed some level of importance on his Dutch ancestry. But the Dutch never clearly acknowledged Smits Jan as anything other than a Mohawk, which may be symptomatic of an enduring skepticism of or discomfort with people of mixed ethnicity, and the headman himself had far more extensive interactions with the French than with the Dutch or any other Europeans. (Contains 34 notes.)

Adding to a growing body of research, this study examines the intragenerational conversion of cultural capital into occupational attainment. More specifically, we argue that cultural and economic network resources constitute an important—yet understudied—explanation for why individuals' cultural capital yields returns in the labour market. To test our expectations, we collected unique panel data in the Netherlands with information on individuals' cultural capital (i.e. highbrow participation), offline core, and extended networks, and occupational outcomes. In line with theoretical notions of communicating cultural match, signalling competencies, and enhancing emotional returns, our results show that cultural capital is positively associated with a higher overall occupational position. Besides, individuals' access to network resources largely explains the association between cultural capital and a higher occupational position. Interestingly, cultural resources in the extended network play a more important role than economic network resources in the conversion of cultural capital into a higher cultural occupational position. Conversely, economic core network resources are more important than cultural core network resources in the conversion of cultural capital into a higher economic occupational position. Our study thus provides strong support for the idea that the conversion of cultural capital into occupational returns, via social capital, is field-specific. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cultural capital is a central concept in stratification research. Crucial to the Bourdieusian habitus, upper strata familiarity with the dominant culture is assumed to be ingrained via socialization, allowing its members to smoothly navigate educational institutions and higher segments of the labor market. Although cultural capital is deemed partially implicit, such "non-declarative" or "embodied" cultural capital has largely escaped empirical scrutiny; arguments about its importance are typically post hoc interpretations of associations between measures of declarative cultural capital (survey items on elite cultural consumption) and variables of interest. To advance stratification research, we developed tools to empirically capture non-declarative cultural capital: Implicit Association Tests (IATs) measuring (1) positive association and (2) self-identification with elite culture, embedded in a survey fielded among a high-quality panel representative of the Dutch population (n = 2,436). We find our IATs validly measure non-declarative cultural capital. As expected, scores are only weakly coupled with declarative cultural capital, and associated with (parental) socioeconomic position. Using these IATs liberates non-declarative cultural capital from its deus ex machina status and answers the black-box critique of the Bourdieusian habitus as an explanation for socially stratified patterns across a range of fields. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines who volunteers for humanitarian organizations as compared to volunteering for other organizations versus people not volunteering, in the Netherlands. Using high-quality survey data (N = 5,050), we depart from a classic theoretical resource-based approach to study what forms of resources play a role in the likelihood to volunteer for different types of civic associations. We find that education and subjective health as indicators of human capital matter in volunteering for most types of associations, however, more so for humanitarian organizations than some other types of organizations. Social capital is of larger importance in volunteering for leisure organizations than for humanitarian ones, while cultural capital is relevant for volunteering but not more for humanitarian associations. Some forms of capital are thus stronger related to particular organizations, showing the different demographic compositions of the distinguished associations. We recommend to be more sensitive in distinguishing explanations of volunteering for different associations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community involvement and citizenship have been crucial drivers in energy transitions worldwide. To deepen our understanding of the energy transition and to further promote energy citizenship, we leverage Bourdieu's concept of cultural capital to shed light on the inequities in community-centered energy transition processes. More specifically, this study demonstrates that cultural capital is an important indicator of an individual's willingness to participate in renewable energy-related behavior and social movements. Using survey data in the Netherlands as a case study, it finds that depending on the type of energy citizenship, i.e., material participation (investments) or communicative participation (protest), different types of cultural capital are in play. The results of this study imply that a nuanced approach towards both concepts, namely energy citizenship and cultural capital, is needed. The scholarly and practical implications of this study are discussed, and the study concludes with pathways for more comprehensive community engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we investigate whether the Dutch policy concept of 'nature-inclusive farming', involving biodiversity-enhancing forms of agriculture, can become part of 'good farming' norms in Dutch farming culture. We interviewed 24 Dutch farmers individually as well as in focus groups in four case study regions in the Netherlands. Based on a qualitative analysis, we found confirmation of findings of studies elsewhere in terms of the presence of production-oriented conceptions of 'the good farmer' and 'a good landscape', which, in general, discourage biodiversity-friendly behaviour. Yet, we also found indications that pursuing biodiversity objectives is becoming part of what it means to be 'a good farmer' and to cultivate 'a good landscape'. We found these changing norms amongst farmers who participate in collective agri-environmental management. We propose that the Dutch agri-environmental collectives foster the development of nature-inclusive cultural capital: the skill to create landscapes that host biodiversity as well as to recognize and appreciate that skill on the land of others. Our insights into farmers' cultural norms and the way that they change are helpful in the development of governance strategies that promote nature-inclusive farming. • Cultural norms for 'good farming' and 'good landscape' influence farm management. • We studied whether nature-inclusive (N–I) farming suits these cultural norms. • A 'good landscape' must be tidy when productive, but not when biodiversity is an aim. • Agri-environmental collectives have an important role in this cultural change. • Policy should support subcultures for the development and recognition of N–I skill. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of International Students is the property of Journal of International Students and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Refugees in the Netherlands are expected to integrate in society and find employment. Despite years of education, Syrian refugees who graduated in medicine (SRGMs') struggle to enter the Dutch medical field. To ensure patient safety, physicians with a medical degree obtained outside Europe are obliged to finish an 'assessment procedure' (AP) and might be forced to redo clinical internships, before being allowed to practice medicine. In this research, SRGMs' experiences were analysed using Bourdieu's capital theory. Semi-structured interviews were conducted with 17 SRGMs. In Syria, they acquired much capital as physicians, in the shape of financial means (economic capital), connections (social capital), medical degrees and skills (cultural capital), and status (symbolic capital). Their medical skills often provide the only capital that remains when arriving in the Netherlands, but it loses value as they have to prove their competence first in the AP. This is a long and arduous process. The mean duration, for those who had yet finished the AP, from arrival to employment was 4.5 years (n = 5, range 2.7–5.8 years). SRGMs experience difficulties in these AP years because they are forced to study from home and feel excluded from medical practice. They are unable to regain their economic, social and symbolic capital, whilst struggling to get their cultural capital acknowledged. Mentally this is challenging and when they do finish, this capital gap leaves them at a disadvantage when applying for competitive job applications. Once employed, SRGMs need time to adjust but are finally rebuilding their capital and integrating in Dutch society. Both SRGMs and Dutch society benefit when SRGMs' integration in the Dutch medical field improves. Although certain challenges for SRGMs seem inevitable, by offering a clinical internship before the assessment of SRGMs' skills, their capital acquisition might improve which would facilitate their integration. • Experiences of Syrian refugees who graduated in medicine (SRGMs) in the Netherlands. • In-depth analysis of the full integration process, using Bourdieu's capital theory. • SRGMs struggle to regain social, economic, cultural and symbolic capital. • Unnecessary hurdles in the assessment procedure they must undergo. • Suggestions for improvement include offering early clinical internships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Here the object biography of a scale model of an old Dutch colonial sugar factory directs us to the history of an extended family, and demonstrates the connectedness of people and identities across and within European imperial spaces in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. This case study shows how people in colonial Indonesia became ‘Dutch’ through their social networks and cultural capital (for instance a European education). They even came to belong to the colonial and national Dutch elites while, because of their descent, also belonging to the British colonial and national elites. These intertwined Dutch and British imperial spaces formed people’s identities and status: the family discussed here became an important trans-imperial patrician family with a broad imperial ‘spatial imagination’, diverse identities and social circles. It was mostly women who played important roles in these transnational processes— roles indeed that they played well into the early twentieth century when colonial empires ceased to exist and the nation-state became the ‘natural’ social and political form of the modern world, obscuring these transnational processes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Journal of Small Business & Entrepreneurship is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Most field analyses have overlooked the geographical range of cultural preferences and tastes, adopting an implicitly national focus. This paper takes advantage of detailed questions on preferences of Dutch respondents for music, films and books from various geographical areas to show that taste for cosmopolitan items is multi-faceted and associated with three major cultural divisions. Firstly, more cosmopolitan orientations are associated with wider cultural engagements, whereas exclusively Dutch references are more commonly found amongst those who are relatively culturally disengaged. Secondly, the more ‘highbrow’ Dutch are pre-disposed towards European forms of culture. American culture appeals to the younger and better educated who engage in popular cultural forms. Thirdly there is a distinction between those attracted to specifically non-Dutch, and Dutch culture. This field analysis of cosmopolitanism taste shows how it operates in several different registers which cannot helpfully be captured through a unitary approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The urban middle classes often celebrate the diversity of their neighbourhood. As soon as they have children, however, the desire to display symbolic capital may conflict with the need to reproduce cultural capital through the educational system. In the ethnically diverse Amsterdam schooling context, in which parents have free school choice and school access is not determined by fees, the socio-spatial strategies of school choice could be expected to differ from particularly the UK context. Based on in-depth interviews conducted with white middle-class parents in Amsterdam, this study argues that ethnic diversity is a major concern when they are seeing primary schools for their children, but that middle-class fractions have different socio-spatial strategies for managing it. It is argued that, despite differences in terms of housing market and school policies, the strategies of the Amsterdam middle classes are very similar to other contexts, suggesting homologies of class between national contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: Findings on socioeconomic health differentials in youth remain fragmented with the role of cumulative and interaction effects of different forms of health resources not well understood. Methods: European KIDSCREEN data were analysed to explore effects of material and non-material resources on subjective health in The Netherlands, Hungary, and the UK. Results: Regression analysis revealed significant main effects of economic, social, and cultural resources on youth health. In the UK an interaction effect between economic and cultural resources indicated a conditional relationship between material and non-material health resources. Conclusions: Exploring the combined impact of economic, social, and cultural resources may contribute to our understanding of health differentials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Empirical studies on cultural capital have never fully operationalized the concept using indicators of all three states distinguished by Bourdieu, i.e., institutionalized, embodied and objectified cultural capital. We provide such a threefold measurement for both respondents and their parents in our analysis of the intergenerational transmission of cultural capital. Respondents' schooling levels (institutionalized state) are affected by parental education and, to a lesser extent, parental cultural behavior, but both effects are smaller among younger generations. Cultural participation (embodied state) is consistently affected by all three manifestations of parental cultural capital. Possessing cultural goods (objectified state) is mostly affected by parents' cultural possessions. Our results reveal that the three states of cultural capital differ in the constellation of their causes and consequences, plus the changes therein. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociologie is the property of Amsterdam University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses the objectives of the Social and Cultural Report 2006, which was released in the Netherlands by the Dutch Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP). The initial objective of the report is to enhance the economic development of the country and renew efforts for the improvement of the quality of society. In other words, this report is worked from the idea that investment in capacity will be aimed on the prosperity of the society, well-being and social participation. Another aim is to improve social networks and support for the needy class of the society by addressing challenges like cultural differences, public health care, demographic ageing, and social change.

The article discusses a report released in 2006, based on the social and cultural capital of the Netherlands, released by the Dutch Social and Cultural Planning Office (SCP). The SCP in this report has focused on the socially underdeveloped and vulnerable classes among the Dutch population. According to Paul Schnabel, General Director of the SCP, the Dutch government is giving efforts in identifying and solving the problems of these underdeveloped classes. In the introducing chapter of the report, Schnabel has indicated that this is an era of economic metaphors which reflect a changing reality of the present time and open new perspectives on the future. Finally, the report has termed the social and cultural capital as capacity of the nation for development.

In this paper we empirically examined two explanatory mechanisms for educational inequality: cultural reproduction and relative risk aversion, using survey data taken from secondary school pupils in Amsterdam. Cultural reproduction theory seeks to explain class variations in schooling by cultural differences between social classes. Relative risk aversion theory argues that educational inequalities can be understood by between-class variation in the necessity of pursuing education at branching points in order to avoid downward mobility. We showed that class variations in early demonstrated ability are for a substantial part cultural: cultural capital – measured by parental involvement in highbrow culture – affected school performance at the primary and secondary level. However, relative risk aversion – operationalized by being concerned with downward mobility – strongly affects schooling ambitions, whereas cultural capital had no effect. Thus, we conclude that ‘primary effects’ of social origin on schooling outcomes are manifested through cultural capital and not through relative risk aversion (in addition to other potential sources of class variations such as genetics). Relative risk aversion, and not cultural capital, affects schooling ambitions, which is relevant for our understanding of secondary effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers a look at the establishment of the Rotterdam European Cultural Capital 2001 in relation to the political and social agenda of Rotterdam, Netherlands. Cultural Capital 2001 is a program organized by an independent nonprofit organization and is partly financed by city fund. In an effort to understand the factors that influence the creation of the program, the author explored the history of urban cultural policy of the city. He then examined the actual programming of the event and characterized the homology between cultural policy and the event. He argued that the event presents an inherent conflict.

The question of whether education should be seen as an instrument of social order is an old topic in the social sciences. There exist several theories concerning this question. Two of these rival theories are dealt with in this paper. On the basis of each, historical data have been looked at anew and empirical research has been carried out into the prevailing conditions in the Netherlands. On the basis of the first theory, which was inspired by Bourdieu and which concerns economic, cultural (including educational) and social capital, data on the Dutch history between the seventeenth and the nineteenth centuries have been reanalysed with respect to the attitude of the diverse sections of the dominant class towards culture in general and the university in particular. Dutch history can be regarded as a national variant of the universal tensions between 'culture' and 'knowledge' and between 'culture' and 'economics' in human societies. On the basis of Bourdieu's theory it is assumed that under the prevailing social conditions elementary schools will differ in 'educational status' in the schools market. Empirical investigation confirms this hypothesis. The 'educational status' of elementary schools mediates (reproduces) almost all of the influence of the childrens' social background on their school career, and reinforces this influence. On the basis of the second theory, which is based on the work of Meyer, Boli and Ramirez, data on the Dutch history in the Enlightenment period have been reanalysed with respect to the rise of mass education. These historical data give substantial evidence to the theory that the construction of the nation-state is of decisive importance for the rise of mass education. Our empirical investigation, however, does not confirm the hypothesis that in the actual situation elementary schools differ in 'comprehensiveness'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• There is a strong intergenerational transmission of cultural and economic dimensions of lifestyle. • Cultural and economic dimensions of parents' lifestyle lead to advantages in education, occupation, and income of their adult children. • The cultural dimension of parents' lifestyle is more important than the economic dimension in the reproduction of social status. We examine the extent to which parents affect their adult children's status attainment through parental lifestyle during their offspring's childhood. We also consider whether parents can be said to have 'passed on' their lifestyle to their adult children. Reflecting the Bourdieusian distinction between economic and cultural capital, we characterize the economic and cultural aspects of both parents' and children's lifestyles in order to better understand the pattern of lifestyle transmission and reproduction. Our paper does not try to explore cultural taste and consumption in an inductive fashion, rather it develops hypotheses from Bourdieu's theory and tests these in an analytical design through structural equation modeling (SEM). The data, collected in 2000, refer to a sample of 399 young Dutch adults aged between 20 and 40 who were interviewed about a broad range of their lifestyle characteristics, derived from Bourdieu's 'Distinction'. Their parents reported retrospectively on the prevailing lifestyle of the parental home at the time their child was around 12 years of age. We conclude that parents pass their lifestyle on to their children. Children raised by parents who had a more strongly culturally oriented lifestyle have, as adults, a more strongly culturally oriented lifestyle themselves, and those raised by parents who had a lifestyle that was oriented more strongly towards luxury have as adults a more strongly luxury-oriented lifestyle. We also find that both the cultural and economic dimensions of parents' lifestyle bring about relative advantage in terms of the education, occupation, and income of their adult children. As such, the cultural and economic dimensions of parents' lifestyle are mechanisms by which parents pass on their social status to their children. We also find some indications that the cultural status dimension is more important than the economic dimension in the intergenerational transmission of social status. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The importance of culture for food consumption is widely acknowledged, as well as the fact that culture-based resources ("cultural capital") differ between educational groups. Since current explanations for educational inequalities in healthy and unhealthy food consumption (e.g. economic capital, social capital) are unable to fully explain this gradient, we aim to investigate a new explanation for educational inequalities in healthy food consumption, i.e. the role of cultural capital. Methods: Data were obtained cross-sectionally by a postal survey among participants of the GLOBE study in the Netherlands in 2011 (N = 2953; response 67.1%). The survey measured respondents' highest attained educational level, food-related cultural capital (institutionalised, objectivised and incorporated cultural capital), economic capital (e.g. home ownership, financial strain), social capital (e.g. social support, health-related social leverage, interpersonal relationships), and frequency of consumption of healthy and unhealthy food products. Two general outcomes (overall healthy food consumption, and overall unhealthy food consumption), and seven specific food consumption outcomes were constructed, and prevalence ratios (PR) were estimated in Poisson regression models with robust variance. Results: Cultural capital was significantly associated with all food outcomes, also when social and economic capital were taken into account. Those with low levels of cultural capital were more likely to have a lower overall healthy food consumption (PR 1.35, 95% CI 1.22–1.49), a lower consumption of whole wheat bread (PR 1.21, 95% CI 1.05–1.38), vegetables (PR 1.55, 95% CI 1.40–1.71), and meat-substitutes and fish (PR 1.74, 95% CI 1.53–1.97), and a higher consumption of fried food (PR 1.59, 95% CI 1.31–1.93). Social capital was positively associated with overall healthy food consumption, whole wheat bread consumption, and the consumption of fish and meat-substitutes, and economic capital with none of the outcomes. The PR of the lowest educational group to have a low overall healthy food consumption decreased from 1.48 (95% CI 1.28–1.73) to 1.22 (95% CI 1.04–1.43) when cultural, social and economic capital were taken into account. Conclusions: Cultural capital contributed to the explanation of educational inequalities in food consumption in The Netherlands, over and above economic and social capital. The socialisation processes through which cultural capital is acquired could offer new entry-points for the promotion of healthy food consumption among low educational groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]