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Recent reports have suggested that the attended features of an item may be rapidly forgotten once they are no longer relevant for an ongoing task (attribute amnesia). This finding relies on a surprise memory procedure that places high demands on declarative memory. We used intertrial priming to examine whether the representation of an item's identity is lost completely once it becomes task irrelevant. If so, then the identity of a target on one trial should not influence performance on the next trial. In 3 experiments, we replicated the finding that a target's identity is poorly recognized in a surprise memory test. However, we also observed location and identity repetition priming across consecutive trials. These data suggest that, although explicit recognition on a surprise memory test may be impaired, some information about a particular target's identity can be retained after it is no longer needed for a task.

Recent empirical and theoretical work has depicted a close relationship between visual attention and visual working memory. For example, rehearsal in spatial working memory depends on spatial attention, whereas adding a secondary spatial working memory task impairs attentional deployment in visual search. These findings have led to the proposal that working memory is attention directed toward internal representations. Here, we show that the close relationship between these 2 constructs is limited to some but not all forms of spatial attention. In 5 experiments, participants held color arrays, dot locations, or a sequence of dots in working memory. During the memory retention interval, they performed a T-among-L visual search task. Crucially, the probable target location was cued either implicitly through location probability learning or explicitly with a central arrow or verbal instruction. Our results showed that whereas imposing a visual working memory load diminished the effectiveness of explicit cuing, it did not interfere with probability cuing. We conclude that spatial working memory shares similar mechanisms with explicit, goal-driven attention but is dissociated from implicitly learned attention.

Visuospatial attention prioritizes regions of space for perceptual processing. Knowing how attended locations are represented is critical for understanding the architecture of attention. We examined the spatial reference frame of incidentally learned attention and asked how it is influenced by explicit, top-down knowledge. Participants performed a visual search task in which a target was more likely to appear in one, "rich," quadrant of the screen than in the others. The spatial relationship between the display and the viewer's perspective changed partway through the experiment. Because incidentally learned attention is persistent, the spatial bias that developed during training was present following the change in viewer perspective. Despite the presence of multiple environmental landmarks including a background scene, participants prioritized rich regions relative to their perspective, rather than relative to the environment. Remarkably, the egocentric attentional bias was unaffected by explicit knowledge of where the target was likely to appear. Although participants used this knowledge to prioritize the region of space they were told was likely to contain a target, a strong egocentric bias to a region that was unlikely to contain a target persisted. These data indicate that incidental attention differs fundamentally from attention driven by explicit knowledge. We propose that attention takes 2 forms. One is declarative, based on maps that explicitly prioritize some regions of space over others. The other is procedural, influenced by implicit knowledge that modulates how attention is moved through space.

How does responding to an object affect explicit memory for visual information? The close theoretical relationship between action and perception suggests that items that require a response should be better remembered than items that require no response. However, conclusive evidence for this claim is lacking, as semantic coherence, category size, and trial frequency often differ between stimuli that require a response and those that do not. Here we showed that memory is affected by response requirements, even when confounding factors were eliminated. Participants viewed a stream of images and encoded them into memory. During encoding, some images required a response, whereas others did not. Although all images were task relevant, images that were overtly responded to (e.g., with a button press) were better remembered than those that were not. However, the action itself was not critical to the memory advantage. Covertly counted images were better remembered than those that were not. Moreover, when participants pressed a button for most images, images that required withholding a button press were remembered better than the others. We conclude that the need to modify an ongoing activity results in improved memory.

Substantial research has focused on the allocation of spatial attention based on goals or perceptual salience. In everyday life, however, people also direct attention using their previous experience. Here we investigate the pace at which people incidentally learn to prioritize specific locations. Participants searched for a T among Ls in a visual search task. Unbeknownst to them, the target was more often located in one region of the screen than in other regions. An attentional bias toward the rich region developed over dozens of trials. However, the bias did not rapidly readjust to new contexts. It persisted for at least a week and for hundreds of trials after the target's position became evenly distributed. The persistence of the bias did not reflect a long window over which visual statistics were calculated. Long-term persistence differentiates incidentally learned attentional biases from the more flexible goal-driven attention. (Contains 7 figures, 4 tables and 1 footnote.)

The human visual system is constantly confronted with an overwhelming amount of information, only a subset of which can be processed in complete detail. Attention and implicit learning are two important mechanisms that optimize vision. This study addressed the relationship between these two mechanisms. Specifically we asked, Is implicit learning of spatial context affected by the amount of working memory load devoted to an irrelevant task? We tested observers in visual search tasks where search displays occasionally repeated. Observers became faster when searching repeated displays than unrepeated ones, showing contextual cuing. We found that the size of contextual cuing was unaffected by whether observers learned repeated displays under unitary attention or when their attention was divided using working memory manipulations. These results held when working memory was loaded by colors, dot patterns, individual dot locations, or multiple potential targets. We conclude that spatial context learning is robust to interference from manipulations that limit the availability of attention and working memory. (Contains 8 figures.)

Visual working memory (WM) is traditionally considered a robust form of visual representation that survives changes in object motion, observer's position, and other visual transients. This article presents data that are inconsistent with the traditional view. We show that memory sensitivity is dramatically influenced by small variations in the testing procedure, supporting the idea that representations in visual WM are susceptible to interference from testing. In the study, participants were shown an array of colors to remember. After a short retention interval, memory for one of the items was tested with either a same-different task or a 2-alternative-forced-choice (2AFC) task. Memory sensitivity was much lower in the 2AFC task than in the same-different task. This difference was found regardless of encoding similarity or of whether visual WM required a fine or coarse memory resolution. The 2AFC disadvantage was reduced when participants were informed shortly before testing which item would be probed. The 2AFC disadvantage diminished in perceptual tasks and was not found in tasks probing visual long-term memory. These results support memory models that acknowledge the labile nature of visual WM and have implications for the format of visual WM and its assessment. (Contains 6 figures and 2 footnotes.)

When tracking moving objects in space humans usually attend to the objects' spatial locations and update this information over time. To what extent do surface features assist attentive tracking? In this study we asked participants to track identical or uniquely colored objects. Tracking was enhanced when objects were unique in color. The benefit was greater when the distance between distractors and targets was smaller, but was eliminated when the objects changed colors 1 to 4 times per second, even though at any instant they were always uniquely colored. In addition, tracking uniquely colored objects impaired a secondary color-memory task more than tracking identical objects, and holding several colors in working memory eliminated the advantage of tracking uniquely colored objects. Contrary to previous studies showing that feature information is poorly retained during tracking, these findings indicate that surface properties are stored in visual working memory to facilitate tracking performance. (Contains 1 table and 7 figures.)